Up, Down.
Update Wednesday P.M.: nine hundred and some odd sax's playing O Canada with the Shuffle Demons in front of Toronto City Hall, and they played well and with spirit and without an ounce of complacency that I could see (a momentary lapse no doubt), and I tell you what - it brought a tear to my eye, did so ... nonetheless, k-k-Canada continues as a smug self-righteous sinkhole of complacency, or even the smug-est self-right-issimo & complacent-est on the planet; good on Jeffrey Simpson for speaking it out loud and clear: Yes, we love our country, but ‘best in the world'? Get real.
Wednesday A.M.: sometimes I get complacent too eh? think I know things, occupational hazard of living anywhere withing cutural reach of this stodgy country of k-k-Canada ... but God is good to me and has ways of reminding me, big and small ... today it is that Edward Greenspon is gone from the Globe, I had no idea, last I heard of him he was comforting his son who had been (merely) injured when a nut-case pushed him off the Subway platform in front of a train, lucky son, and helped by his friend apparently, doubly lucky
actually He is giving a double whack to my complacent pee-pee today - I was sure I had already posted about Adenir Oliveira and Jacob Greenspon with pictures yet! but damned if I or the Google search tools can find it ... doesn't mean it is not there mind you, just some kind of 'chance' some kind of cultural equivalent to quantum mechanical dice games ...
and I might not have bothered today either, except some pundit over at Rabble.ca used a quote from our Bob in relation to Greenspon's firing (it was "the times they are a changin'") ... so it stuck, and here I am, you have to laugh ...
anyway, here's some of the news from back in February:
I remember reading later that our Adenir DeOliveira got put away without benefit of any grace because he was unhinged ... and I can't tell ...
and here is the article at Rabble.ca about our Eddie getting fired from the Globe ... ho hum ...
today's adventure will be to see if the Shuffle Demons manage to pull it off down at City Hall in the absence of garbage 'workers' (?) no way of telling ahead of time ... oops, something must have changed in the meantime, when I did that search early this morning it was all I could do to find what time the thing was happening, AND I came up with 4:30 pm, which turns out to be wrong (e-ven!) it is 4:00 pm and best to get there by 3 I would hazard ...
a-and no fireworks I saw on the TV news in a small bar somewhere ... what is to celebrate exactly? to me the nostalgic and sentimental outweighs that pride I used to feel at times growing up here, even so-called 'Canada Day' which is really the anniversary of Beaumont Hamel, and a day of grief (if not shame) for Newfoundlanders, so ... I don't feel it any more, mostly I feel shame, and ... boredom ... whatever ...
BUT the Globe today had four (4! count 'em!) cartoons that gave me a chuckle, the first one (Dilbert) being a too-accurate look at what I imagine the inside of the Globe's IT department/IT contractor looks like :-)
a-and the last one, Bizarro's look at obesity, reminds me of something else ...
Toilets! categorical proof that the current Standard was invented by women! please don't pardon the pun and any disrespect to the company of that name is intentional, and why is it 'American' standard anyway? are American men smaller? is that it? Bizarro is showing his American bias for sure
a long story of course, I have no idea if there was a time when men's parts did not drag against the inside of these damned porcelain toilet fixtures, certainly they did not drag against outhouse holes, I am old enough to know that one, not to mention that outhouses are far better for the environment - and I have to go back in my memory here to a biology class in the sixties when the lecturer was going at the Potassium cycle which has an open ended drain into the deep ocean thanks to our public utilities, I know a smart kid with a degree in biology but I never got an answer to my email asking about this, oh well ...
there are two fundamental issues (and here I mean fundamental in the anatomical sense), One: that WHEN you lift the lid and IF the lid is fitted with a fuzzy cover THEN the lid likely falls down again, and depending how drunk you are it may whack your pee-pee, or you may try to catch it with your free hand and miss the bowl entirely, spraying all over the place with subsequent penalties etc. and Two: if it is #2 (symmetry is everywhere!) your male part drags aginst the inside of the bowl which is an entirely disagreeable sensation nevermind that it is probably a way of transmitting some unspeakably awful disease ...
now, maybe this doesn't happen to everyone, I have no idea of the size of my 'package' compared to anyone else's, just never got around to that particular investigation ... but ... well, maybe this means that I am well endowed eh? or maybe it just means that most of the men in this culture are pussy whipped wimps and afraid to speak up ... can't say, maybe there has even been a slow devolution here as toilet manufacturers have gradually reduced costs by reducing the size, maybe the people who run these factories are women, I don't know
sometimes you come across larger ones in upscale private clubs so maybe this is a working-class thing
while I am on the subject (or sort of :-) ... I ran across this in Fables of Identity the other night:
"Yet Byron had certainly anticipated Shaw's central idea, that woman takes the lead in sexual relations and that Don Juan is consequently as much a victim as a pursuer."
Northrop Frye, Fables of Identity, Lord Byron.
a-and this revelation offended middle-class sensibilities apparently, and was a contributor to Byron's loss of readership in England ... interesting.
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Appendices:
1. What's behind the shake up at 'Canada's newspaper of record'?, Nick Fillmore, June 2 2009.
2. Adenir DeOliveira experienced 'auditory hallucinations' to kill people, judge told, Timothy Appleby & Anthony Reinhart, February 21 2009.
3. Yes, we love our country, but ‘best in the world'? Get real, Jeffrey Simpson, July 1 2009.
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What's behind the shake up at 'Canada's newspaper of record'?, Nick Fillmore, June 2 2009.
The media community was buzzing last week over the departure of the Globe and Mail’s Chief Editor Ed Greenspon, replaced by the highly-decorated John Stackhouse, who most recently whipped the Globe’s bastion of free enterprise thinking -- The Report on Business (RoB) -- into shape.
Within hours of the Globe upheaval, David Akin of CanWest News Service in Ottawa Tweeted that the “gossip” was that Greenspon had been forced out because he refused to agree to a new round of staff cuts. But others speculate that it’s possible Greenspon was fired or resigned on the spot following a dispute with Globe Publisher Phillip Crawley over a number of issues. Greenspon had spent a long six years as Editor-in-Chief and either he or Crawley, or both of them, may have felt his time was up.
Stackhouse may have gotten close to the truth when he said on the Globe website that, while he and Greenspon have “similar visions of what quality journalism is,” he would be better than Greenspon at cooperating with other divisions at the Globe as well as with outside organizations with which the paper needs to build partnerships.
New Editor rose through the ranks
The position of Editor-in-Chief of the Globe is an important one because of the political tone the person sets for the paper and the impact he (historically always a man) has on the nature of journalism at what is the country’s most influential media institution.
Stackhouse is probably the only Globe journalist, other than Greenspon, whom one might have expected to come up through the Globe ranks to become Editor-in-Chief. Both have had great accomplishments in mainstream journalism. Greenspon had been a top-notch reporter in Ottawa, a published author, and, like Stackhouse, head of the RoB. Just three days before Greenspon disappeared from the Globe, the paper won six of 22 top national newspaper awards.
Stackhouse, 46, who lacks managerial experience, may be arriving in the post before he is fully equipped to take it on. Nevertheless, his track record is impressive: a winner of a record five National Newspaper Awards, he is remembered for his six years of groundbreaking reporting overseas as Canada’s sole development journalist, and for a controversial series of stories he wrote after spending a week living amid poverty in downtown Toronto. While head of the RoB, he humanized the publication by adding new features and columnists.
Stackhouse, who likely focuses better on the task at hand and who is a better ‘team player’ than Greenspon, is likely to bring new changes to the paper -- but we’ll have to wait to see which will be in the public interest and which will simply serve the Globe’s corporate interests. Once Stackhouse has worked his way into the job, he could strengthen the Globe in a number of ways. Even though the paper is strapped for cash, Stackhouse, who knows the importance and impact of big stories, might be able to fight to maintain a budget for investigative and in-depth journalism of the nature that won the Globe its six awards last year.
Big business perspective favoured too often
Additionally, Stackhouse could implement newsroom policies that would bring more balance to their stories. Too often stories are skewed in favour of big business or government with opposing views buried at the bottom of the story or totally omitted. He would have the authority to correct one of Greenspon’s sins, by reducing the obsessive coverage of Ottawa and federal politics.
But it’s unlikely he’ll be able to increase the size of the Globe’s news hole, or to reinstate full Focus and Books sections in the Saturday Globe. And will he want to -- or be able to -- reduce the Globe’s preoccupation with crime stories, which the higher ups probably feel need to appear in the paper to help them fend off the likes of The Sun papers across the country.
No matter who occupies the post, the Editor-in-Chief will almost certainly never be able to change some of the most fundamental restrictions and repressive policies that exist at the Globe. Publisher/CEO Crawley and the behind-the-scenes faceless “higher-ups” who call the shots make sure that anyone in a position of authority at the paper accepts the values of the mainstream media.
The Globe is a formidable partner in and supporter of Canada’s corporate culture, and this role takes precedence over and, indeed, shapes the paper’s approach to news and information. As a result, no new editor-in-chief is likely to tackle these fundamental problems with the Globe:
• While the paper is greatly valued by tens-of-thousands of Canadians for its excellent coverage in areas such as the environment, justice, public-interest investigations, foreign features and the arts, when it comes to the all-important area of national politics, its reporting too often favors small-c conservative positions and its editorials tend to have a neo-liberal flavour. Using an approach taken by most media in today’s right-wing dominated society, the paper tends to provide much of its coverage based on the power and influence of the Right. Its political coverage would be much improved, and of greater value to Canadians, if more stories focused on serving the public interest and discussing alternative political ideas.
• The paper’s reporting and editorial positions largely accept the business community’s mantra that all policies should be evaluated in the light of their ability to serve ‘the market’ and those who most benefit from it. Although, in the light of the collapse of the world economy, this position would seem to be indefensible, it remains -- and will continue to remain -- the philosophy of the Globe.
• When Greenspon and Stackhouse were at the RoB, neither tackled one of the most serious problems with business journalism. The RoB follows its own business-friendly standards when it comes to journalism. Unethical corporate behavior might be considered ‘newsworthy’ in the front section of the paper. In the RoB, by contrast, where investment and profit are the main measures of newsworthiness, if a Canadian company mining in, say, Indonesia is destroying the environment and paying poverty wages, editors don’t consider these mere details relevant to the story of the company’s ‘success.’
• While the paper is quick to promote national pride around events such as Canada Day, it is strongly opposed to nationalistic public policy positions taken by groups such as the Council of Canadians and various unions. The Globe is much more likely to mock such groups through its conservative columnists than give their positions and efforts the attention and analysis they deserve.
• The Globe seldom, if ever, reports on or editorializes in a positive way about progress being made in radical socialist countries. In fact, it is much more likely it will send a reporter to one of these countries -- for instance one of the Latin American countries turning to socialism -- to prepare a pre-planned critical report, ignoring advances that may have occurred, such as progress in land reform, education or health care. As a result, Canadians who rely on the Globe for their foreign news don't get a balanced view of the world.
Given the Globe’s right-wing biases and its old-school approach to journalism, no one should be surprised that thousands of Canadians -- particularly young people -- prefer to go to the Internet to get their news and information.
Deep pockets at the Globe
There’s some evidence to indicate that CTVglobemedia, of which the Globe is part, is facing less financial stress than most other media companies. The Globe owners are in a strong position to take on short-term debt because they have very deep pockets. The primary owners are BCE Inc., owners of Bell and several other companies, and the Thomsons, one of the richest families in Canada with a net worth last year of more than $18 billion.
Writing on J-Source.ca, journalist Kelly Toughill indicates that CTVglobemedia did fairly well financially last year. Citing difficult-to-access financial figures she uncovered, she says, “CTVglobemedia had an operating profit of 9.7 per cent in 2008, before the cost of interest, taxes and non-cash items like impairment of goodwill,” which is the perceived decline in the value of the company.
In May, Peter Rhamey of BMO Capital Markets Equity Research Group indicated in a report that CTVglobemedia’s major parent company BCE was coping well during the recession. And at least one part of BCE Inc. isn’t broke. In March, Bell Mobility laid out about $150 million ($142 million, according to this article in The Star) to buy controlling interest in The Source, which has some 750 outlets where Bell will now market its telephone and Internet products.
Like other newspapers, the Globe’s most serious challenge ahead will be to try to lessen the bleeding of millions of dollars in advertising revenues to Internet-based companies and to establish its own revenue-generating presence on the Internet. One of the problems is that unless an Internet site has a huge reach, its ads aren’t very lucrative. John Honderich, chair of the Toronto Star, spoke recently of the “10-cent dollar” -- every dollar spent on advertising in a newspaper tends to bring in about 10-cents on the Internet for a similar ad.
Wayne MacPhail, a board member of rabble.ca who has developed on-line content for many major Canadian companies, says the Globe and other newspapers were warned as long as 15 years ago that the Internet would have a significant impact on their businesses. He says there are very few people at the Globe who understand the type of innovation needed for the paper to successfully establish itself on the web. “The problem is, unlike the best web-based organs, the Globe is burdened with the historical, emotional, attitudinal and infrastructure baggage that weighs it down as it plods slowly forward.”
There is speculation that Stackhouse may be more successful than Greenspon in establishing the Globe on the Internet, but the ‘baggage’ that MacPhail refers to will inevitably limit the paper’s changes in this area -- as in so many others.
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Adenir DeOliveira experienced 'auditory hallucinations' to kill people, judge told, Timothy Appleby & Anthony Reinhart, February 21 2009.
THE SUBWAY INCIDENT
Whatever demons may have been lurking inside Adenir DeOliveira's head last week when he allegedly tried to kill three teenaged strangers by shoving them in the path of a subway train, there had been no apparent signs of trouble.
However, at a brief hearing yesterday at Old City Hall, Judge Kathleen Caldwell was told that at the time of the incident, Mr. DeOliveira was experiencing "auditory hallucinations" directing him to kill people.
The 47-year-old was examined Thursday at the Toronto (Don) Jail by Julian Gojer, a psychiatrist, upon whose advice Judge Caldwell ordered Mr. DeOliveira to undergo a 30-day psychiatric assessment at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health on Queen Street West.
There had been occasional hints of instability: A flash of temper, as recalled by a former landlady from Toronto's east side, where he once lived; the use of anti-depressant drugs; an inconsequential police encounter a couple of years ago.
But no one had any inkling that he might have been a ticking bomb. Not the police. Not his neighbours in his run-down, four-storey apartment block. And certainly not his horrified common-law wife, with whom he had been living on and off for six months.
A police source said she was "flabbergasted" by the charges.
"Right now we have no answers as to why he [allegedly] took these actions," said Inspector Bryce Evans of the Toronto police.
The outcome of last Friday's incident could have been far worse. Police allege that as an eastbound subway train roared into Dufferin station, Mr.
DeOliveira, unprovoked, shoved two 14-year-olds and a 15-year-old from behind. One of the three managed to stay on the platform; the other two tumbled on to the tracks. Both escaped serious injury when one rolled under the lip of the platform and pulled in his friend.
Stocky, neatly dressed when arrested, Mr. DeOliveira seemed unremarkable until he was catapulted into notoriety. A childless immigrant from Portugal, he owns and operates a modest lawn-care business and lives in an apartment in a working-class, immigrant-heavy section of west Toronto near Vaughan Road.
He has no criminal record - an unusual background for a man facing multiple counts of attempted murder and assault. And as far as is known, he has never received mental-health care inside an institution.
"He would go to work, come home, cook and go to sleep," said Nurjehan Meghji, who owns an East York townhouse, near Scarborough, where Mr. DeOliveira occupied the basement until about two years ago. He lived alone and paid $600 a month in rent.
"He was a very quiet person, he would only talk if he was being talked to and he never created any problems for me."
Mr. DeOliveira's marriage had recently ended at the time, and he would still visit his ex-wife, Ms. Meghji said. He used his pickup truck to haul materials for his lawn and sprinkler business. Ms. Meghji saw no signs of alcohol or drug abuse.
But her tenant could also be testy, she said. "Once I asked him to clean the snow outside and he became a little temperamental. He said, 'Why are you asking me? There's other people living in the house.' After that, I didn't ask him to do anything."
A few blocks from Eglinton and Victoria Park Avenues, the brick-clad townhouse is in an enclave of mostly Muslim families, with a mosque a short walk away. When Mr. DeOliveira moved to the west end, Ms. Meghji said, he explained that he wanted to be among people from his own background. She said she found nothing strange about that. "Mostly he seemed completely normal."
But at Mr. DeOliveira's first post-arrest court appearance last Saturday, it became plain that he was struggling with some difficulties. Relaying a request, duty counsel Al Hart asked that Mr. DeOliveira be given access to a trio of prescription drugs, all associated with anxiety problems: Effexor, Lorazepam and Seroquel.
Effexor is used to treat depression, while Lorazepam is prescribed for anxiety symptoms and insomnia. Seroquel is an anti-psychotic prescribed to patients with schizophrenia and manic episodes associated with bipolar disorder, and is also used to treat severe anxiety or refractory depression.
"Those three medications wouldn't tend to be [prescribed to] someone with a first episode of depression or anxiety disorder," said Wende Wood, a psychiatric pharmacist at Toronto's Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, stressing that she was speaking in general and not about Mr. DeOliveira's case. "It's not that unusual. I actually have a number of patients on similar combinations."
Mr. DeOliveira was a relative newcomer to the drugs' use. A source familiar with the investigation said that up until about a year ago, when severe depression began to set in, Mr. DeOliveira lived a relatively normal existence.
The drugs he took inhibited his sex drive, the source said, leaving Mr. DeOliveira unsure about continued use. Yet when he went for a medical checkup a couple of weeks before the subway incident, his doctor increased the dosage.
The 30-day NCR (not criminally responsible) assessment ordered yesterday was in response to a request from Mr. DeOliveira's lawyer, Ian Kostman. The lawyer presented a written report to Judge Caldwell, who took several minutes to read it and then agreed to send the accused directly from court to the CAMH building.
He will remain in police custody during the assessment period and return to court March 20.
Mr. DeOliveira, who wore beige pants, a baggy white T-shirt and an expression part blank and part melancholy, asked, through his lawyer, to be placed in protective custody. "He's concerned for his safety," Mr. Kostman said.
Referring to Dr. Gojer's report during yesterday's proceeding, Mr. Kostman said his client experienced auditory hallucinations "while speaking with the doctor and over previous days, telling him to kill people."
Dr. Gojer, Mr. Kostman said, had concluded that Mr. Oliveira was having "an acute psychotic episode," during the subway incident.
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Yes, we love our country, but ‘best in the world'? Get real, Jeffrey Simpson, July 1 2009.
If Canada's so great and the world needs more of us, name the last great Canadian initiative
There was something rather nice about Canada, years ago, when it was a modest country, or at least when Canadians thought about their country in that fashion.
Today, if polls can be believed, Canadians are in love with their country - which is okay - but in love to a fault in that, apparently, almost 90 per cent of them believe they live in “the best country in the world.”
There are many admirable aspects of Canada, and we exult in them around Canada Day. But the dangers of thinking of your country as the cat's meow are hubris and, worse still, a stubborn inability to look problems in the eye or to learn from others.
If there is one assertion around which almost all Canadians would rally, it is that, as the Chapters Indigo slogan puts it, the “world needs more Canada.” The assumption supporting this assertion is that we Canadians are so worthy, morally upright and generally well-intentioned that the world would be a better place if it were more like, well, us. Which, in turn, leads Canadians to their deadliest sin: an unsinkable moral superiority.
We do lead the world in some instances. For example, we have the world's worst record among industrialized countries for emitting greenhouse-gas emissions that cause global warming. Of all the countries that signed the Kyoto Protocol, Canada's emissions rose the fastest - faster than even U.S. emissions under George W. Bush.
We are now parading ourselves at climate-change conferences proclaiming a goal of reducing emissions by 20 per cent by 2020 from a 2005 yardstick. Our previous record, however, is so bad, and the Harper's government's interest in climate change so ephemeral, that almost no country in the talks gives Canada much credibility at all.
Canada is almost alone in flogging asbestos around the world, or at least preventing more serious impediments to its export, all to protect some jobs in the Quebec town of Thetford Mines.
We club baby seals and give ourselves a black eye in Europe and elsewhere for an industry that, yes, has been around for a long time and, yes, forms part of the Inuit's traditional culture, but that brings in very little revenue in exchange for terrible publicity.
We have the tar sands, the defence of which no government will fail to try, without contemplating, let alone forcing, new ways of exploiting the resource in ways that might make it sustainable - except for a useful but far from adequate investment in carbon capture and storage.
The world trade negotiations, the so-called Doha round, are dormant, but when they showed some flickering life to liberalize trade, Canada was in the dark corner with France, some other European countries, Japan and South Korea - the usual suspects - blocking agricultural reform to preserve the protectionist supply management system.
Canada used to have a reputation as an honest broker with peacekeeping troops serving United Nations missions - a role that won kudos. But now our troops are committed to NATO's mission in Afghanistan, so very few are available for what Canadians used to think the world liked us for doing.
Put matters another way: If Canada is so great and if the world needs more of us, just what Canadian “initiative” can you think of in the past, say, four or five years, since Paul Martin suggested a G20 instead of a G8, an idea that matured into a reality?
Domestically, the country's greatest accomplishment was getting its fiscal house in order - which, in turn, led to excellent short-term results and positioned the country well for the aging of the population that will strain government resources. We also beefed up money for university research. But our productivity and competitiveness continue to lag.
The decline of manufacturing and the struggles of high technology reveal Canada for essentially being what it's always been - a hewer of wood and drawer of water, a country excessively dependent not on brain power but on natural resources.
To repeat: There are admirable aspects of being Canadian, and these have all been justly celebrated on Canada Day. But self-satisfaction can lead to a refusal to acknowledge weaknesses, to allow patriotism to curb critical thought, to refuse to face hard choices, and to cover a slow, albeit comfortable, slide toward international marginality and domestic mediocrity.
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Down.
Showing posts with label Shuffle Demons. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Shuffle Demons. Show all posts
Wednesday, 1 July 2009
Friday, 29 May 2009
eldritch
weird, ghostly, unnatural, frightful, hideous (from the OED).
Up, Down.
some when, some where, we had a computer language named eldritch, the genius instigators have all disappeared, from my view at least, and both companies, Omnitech Graphics (ltd? inc? and not the Australian one) and ACDS Graphic System (that's right, no 's') are defunct and disappeared too
Buffalo Springfield, For What It's Worth.
Super Session, Season Of The Witch.
Julie Driscoll, Season Of The Witch.
Donovan, Season of the Witch.
Super Session, It Takes A Lot To Laugh ....
Bob Dylan, It Takes A Lot To Laugh, It Takes A Train To Cry (1965), 1965, 1971, 1975, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1992, 1994, 1999, 2003, 2004, don't the brakeman look good bein' where he wants to be ... Super Session was Al Kooper Steven Stills Mike Bloomfield, i remember listening in an apartment in Halifax, again and again ... that's what you did in those days
Mark Kingwell says 'apples and oranges' ... but, after some thought even, i don't think so:
"In fact, though, the more you look, the more it becomes clear that the dispute is about apples and oranges. If smart means clear writing, linear thought and sustained self-organization, then yes, those skills are in short supply; if it means quick-witted talent for hyperlinking, multitasking and other compound gerunds of the screen age, then no, there is no evidence of cognitive deficit - on the contrary.
Statistically, this is truistic. Any human population, plumbed for any cognitive skill, old-school or new, will show a roughly normal distribution of talent.
[lies, damned lies, & statistics!]
Unfortunately, all the available answers are both obvious and mutually inconsistent; there can be no right answer because all the half-right answers cancel each other out. So let's ask a different question: What is intelligence for?
The premise behind any worry that kids are getting dumber is that this is a bad thing, a development to deprecate. If Johnny can't write (one side avers), then what hope is there for public discourse, critical diligence and democracy? If Johnny can't tweet (the other side responds), then what hope is there for fast-moving crowd-sourced innovation and collective creativity? Each side defines intelligence in its favour because both assume that intelligence must be the governing value of human evolution.
I have a modest proposal that will resolve this tiresome debate forever: Consider the possibility that both sides are wrong. Imagine for a moment that we have reached the end not only of the book-smarts era of human civilization, but also of the entire smarts era, period. Replacing one form of intelligence with another form just obscures the baseline truth: Human intelligence has become counter-adaptive.
Too smart for our own good, Mark Kingwell, see also Jevon's Paradox.
"The saddest thing is that - its sense of limited government long lost - American public opinion endorses this rush to fiscal ruin."
Unlimited government leading to limitless debt, Neil Reynolds.
meanwhile, back at the ranch, k-k-Canada's bailout proceeds apace:
$1.4-million for every job saved, Konrad Yakabuski, Thursday May 28.
Cost of bailout sheds light on deficit surprise, Steven Chase & Brian Laghi, Friday, May 29.
Slack-filled young men and women of Yeti descent who are spread, SEEMINGLY randomly, throughout the breakthinking world... but are bent on breaching all Earthly human political and cultural barriers with the searing nonhuman truth of the Word of "Bob", J.R. "Bob" Dobbs, that LIVING GOD WHO WALKS THIS PLANET EARTH IN HUCKSTER'S SHOES.
PRAISE HIS SWEET NAME
OR BURN IN SLACKLESSNESS TRYING NOT TO!
Send $1 to:
The Church of the SubGenius
PO Box 140306
Dallas, TX 75214
and you'll NEVER be the same again ...
The Church of the SubGenius.
Shuffle Demons Spadina Bus Summer 2009 Agenda Canada Day Guinness World Record for the largest saxophone ensemble.
A Little Bitty Tear, A Little Bitty Tear, A Little Bitty Tear.
it went like this y'see, it has been a while since i have seen anything by Mark Kingwell, i consider him the next generation of Canadian philosopher (after Charles Taylor), but the article looked slanted to sell to boomers, a statistical premiss? whiff-n-poof ... still, i am looking at young people from reasonably up-close, at my children and their friends plus what i see in the streets, two of my children have graduated from university and cannot spell, but none of them are what Rev. Bob Dobbs would call 'pinks' so Kingwell's argument let a little light into my situation and i wanted to remember that, however, that's to day, HOWEVER, the nitwits running the country can spell and the whole thing is clearly headed off over the horizon (horizon here in the sense of a cliff :-) and in the middle of all of this i came across Sonny Rollins and Pat Metheny coming to town and slipped out on the TTC to buy some (very pricey) tickets, so the connection to Shuffle Demons, the COC box office not being far from Spadina and blah blah blah ... then ... well, i don't want to get too personal ... suffice to say that despite a, i think, British line to the effect that 'what the ears do not hear, the heart does not feel' my experience has been that the heart always knows! not everything maybe but most, and much as we might like to try to fool it, interesting that twice in one day i immediately try to shed the brunt by running to music, and in the second case to music from 1961 when i was just a wee laddie, and anyway, i would have her on any terms
a-and maybe now there will be real energy to quit smoking (?)
in the past few days i have noticed three ranting men on the streets, the first one singing, at the top of his lungs, "people are strange when you're a stranger, faces look ugly when you're alone, women seem wicked when you're unwanted, streets are uneven when you're down, when you're strange," that old Doors tune, and almost right away an old man i had seen on the subway came up the stairs behind me and started singing something else very loudly, can't remember what it was, and today i saw a man who looked like he either had Tourettes or was imitating it, i say imitating because he was not screaming obscenities, just gibberish, as if maybe there had been a time when he shouted obscenities and the reaction was too strong?
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Too smart for our own good, Mark Kingwell, Friday, May 29.
Maybe we should punish the clever and reward the dumb so we can eventually get back to a simpler time
It's graduation time at universities across the continent and, as so often at this time of year, people ask me: “Are the kids getting dumber? Can they even write?”
This is a bit like debating the value of the designated-hitter rule: The answer says more about you than about the state of play. Answer yes and you brand yourself a bookish curmudgeon, a fogey no matter what your age. Answer no and you align with new cognitive models, social networking websites, early gadget adoption and freewheeling music download.
In other words, it's cool versus uncool. There are even duelling books on the subject so that the sides can point to argument and evidence - although one might detect a potentially fatal irony in the smarter-kids types needing to cite books in the first place, given that books are so, like, 1780.
In fact, though, the more you look, the more it becomes clear that the dispute is about apples and oranges. If smart means clear writing, linear thought and sustained self-organization, then yes, those skills are in short supply; if it means quick-witted talent for hyperlinking, multitasking and other compound gerunds of the screen age, then no, there is no evidence of cognitive deficit - on the contrary.
Statistically, this is truistic. Any human population, plumbed for any cognitive skill, old-school or new, will show a roughly normal distribution of talent. Past academic emphasis on expository writing didn't make for more good writers as a function of population, it just picked out the individuals who were good at writing. With a university population that was both smaller and skewed in favour of that skill, the tail - those declining away from the mean - was shorter. People wanted to be clear writers, and were punished if they were not. But in no case does it mean that kids were smarter then, or dumber now.
This is the point where the dispute typically hares off into a hand-wringing discussion of what universities are for and whether they're any good at doing whatever that is. Socialization machine or crucible of citizenship? Job-training centre or gateway to wisdom?
Unfortunately, all the available answers are both obvious and mutually inconsistent; there can be no right answer because all the half-right answers cancel each other out. So let's ask a different question: What is intelligence for?
The premise behind any worry that kids are getting dumber is that this is a bad thing, a development to deprecate. If Johnny can't write (one side avers), then what hope is there for public discourse, critical diligence and democracy? If Johnny can't tweet (the other side responds), then what hope is there for fast-moving crowd-sourced innovation and collective creativity? Each side defines intelligence in its favour because both assume that intelligence must be the governing value of human evolution.
I have a modest proposal that will resolve this tiresome debate forever: Consider the possibility that both sides are wrong. Imagine for a moment that we have reached the end not only of the book-smarts era of human civilization, but also of the entire smarts era, period. Replacing one form of intelligence with another form just obscures the baseline truth: Human intelligence has become counter-adaptive.
This might sound crazy. After all, it's precisely the ingenious tricks of human problem-solving that have made us so successful at survival. But these same tricks have also generated large negative effects: environmental degradation, weapons of mass destruction, hedge funds, sophisticated forms of torture and the justification thereof. In the global adapt-or-die sweepstakes, humans keep scraping by, almost despite themselves, the net good effects of intelligence just outdistancing the bad.
How long can this possibly go on? In supercomplex systems, ones with multiple variables that are at once interconnected and threatened, failure is rarely incremental, the way it might be in a single-variable system. If one small part of our world fails, the larger failure is likely to be catastrophic and immediate. Just think about downtown traffic snarled by a collision, or the airline schedule during an electrical storm. Now reflect on the global food chain and energy grid - or the financial network.
It's not that we've been dumb; it's that we've been too smart for too long. Success breeds success - literally so in evolutionary terms. We have succeeded well past our safety thresholds. There are too many of us, and we're too good at inventing things. Being smart turns out to be a dumb idea.
Is there anything to be done about it? Well, experience indicates that calls for restraint and sacrifice are rarely successful when people lack other incentives to change their behaviour. So I suggest we tackle the problem at the root: Let's start selecting for dumbness. Not just in the sense of giving up on old-fashioned writing skills. That ship has sailed. Let's go farther and invert the value scale. Let's actively punish the clever and reward the slow and unambitious.
Maybe then, after a few generations, we will breed our way out of this mess and back into a simpler age. “Are the kids getting dumber?” my academic successors will be asked. “Yes” they will say. “It's working”
Mark Kingwell is professor of philosophy at the University of Toronto.
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Unlimited government leading to limitless debt, Neil Reynolds, Friday, May 29.
The two are not accidental, and the results are predictable
In 1792, the U.S. government spent nothing on pensions, health care or welfare programs. It did, though, spend $1.2-million on defence and $700,000 on "general purposes," which covered all other federal responsibilities - except for the interest on the national debt ($77.2-million), an obligation that required payment of $3.2-million a year. Thus federal expenditures in that final year of George Washington's first term as president came to $5.1-million, or (interest included) a mere 2.4 per cent of GDP ($220-million). This was limited government, more limited than we can now even begin to imagine.
Yet the nascent country (population 4.2 million) deplored its debt, which represented 35 per cent of gross domestic product, a proportion of debt-to-GDP equal to the later Civil War years.
Washington himself was quite explicit. He called on Congress for "vigorous exertion" to discharge in peacetime the debts occasioned by war "and not throw upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear." Thomas Jefferson, the third president, agreed. First comes public debt, he asserted. Second comes taxation. Third comes "wretchedness and oppression."
By 1808, at the end of Jefferson's second term, U.S. debt had been reduced to 8.3 per cent of GDP. Four years later, at the start of the War of 1812, it had been reduced to 5.8 per cent. This, too, was limited government - a reflection of the inherent frugality that disciplined public spending in earlier times.
The War of 1812 wasn't nearly as expensive as the Civil War would be. It did take U.S. debt back into double digits, from 10.8 per cent of GDP in 1815 to 16.2 per cent in 1825. The frugal impulse, however, remained. The national debt stood at 9.4 per cent of GDP in 1826, and was erased by 1835. The United States remained debt-free for eight years. And from 1843 to 1861, debt never exceeded 3 per cent of GDP. This, too, was limited government.
The Civil War - and postwar stimulus spending - changed everything. Debt increased from 9.2 per cent of GDP in 1861, when the war began, to 27.1 per cent in 1865, when it ended - and then ran at 30 per cent through the rest of the decade. The debt did shrink, but never again returned to single-digit numbers. By 1900, the debt-to-GDP ratio was 10.3 per cent.
Although the United States engaged in the First World War for only two years, military spending in 1917-19 drove debt to unprecedented levels: 44.7 per cent of GDP. Throughout the 1920s, debt levels remained high (averaging 34.6 per cent). The American era of limited government was ending.
Then came the double whammy: the "disaster socialism" of the Great Depression and the Second World War, which inexorably pushed publicly acceptable debt levels higher and higher.
President Herbert Hoover presided over a doubling of debt in a period of three years, to 65.9 per cent of GDP by 1932. Franklin Roosevelt kept borrowing but never surpassed Hoover's debt burden in any significant way. U.S. debt hit its Depression high in 1933, at 73.7 per cent; the Depression average was closer to 65 per cent.
The Second World War doubled the debt level of the Depression, setting a record that would remain unequalled until the presidency of Barack Obama, whose budget projections suggest that the United States will soon equal the debt burden of the most devastating war in history.
It takes time for debt to accumulate, in wartime or in peacetime. The increase in U.S. wartime debt tracks this process: In 1942, debt was 56.6 per cent of GDP; in 1943, 78.1 per cent; in 1944, 99.4 per cent; in 1945, 123.4 per cent; in postwar 1946, 128.3 per cent.
In the years immediately following the war, a gradual lessening of debt took place, but never in a definitive way. In the 1950s, the debt-to-GDP ratio fell to 70 per cent. In the 1960s, it fell to 60 per cent. In the 1970s, it fell to 50 per cent. In the 1980s, it rose again - hitting a high of 66.8 per cent. In the 1990s, it rose further, reaching 75.8 per cent in 1999. By 2008, it had risen to 87.1 per cent.
These debt percentages include the parallel rise and fall of debt in state and municipal governments. Although long required to balance their budgets, they now often don't. (By 2010, California will owe $100-billion.) For 105 years - 1796 through 1902 - state governments incurred zero debt. This, too, was limited government. Now state debt represents 18 per cent of the country's debt.
As calculated by the Congressional Budget Office, Mr. Obama's deficit spending alone will take the national debt to 108.5 per cent of GDP by the end of 2009, to 116.6 per cent by the end of 2010, and to 119.7 per cent by the end of 2011.
It is credible to conclude that the United States will set a national debt record - at more than 130 per cent of GDP - by the end of 2016. Based on GDP of $14-trillion, U.S. national debt will almost certainly exceed $20-trillion, or three times the pre-Obama debt.
The saddest thing is that - its sense of limited government long lost - American public opinion endorses this rush to fiscal ruin.
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$1.4-million for every job saved, Konrad Yakabuski, Thursday May 28.
With the latest forecast pegging the overall auto bailout bill at as much as $13.5-billion, or more than three times the original estimate, politicians are testing the limits of recession-racked Canadians' tolerance
With the projected cost of bailing out GM and Chrysler mounting by the day, the federal and Ontario governments may need to come up with a new sales pitch to persuade maxed-out taxpayers to go along for the increasingly wild ride.
Ottawa and Toronto were already asking a lot of Canadians – most of whom have no private retirement fund and earn significantly less than auto assembly workers – by allowing some of the bailout money to go toward fixing an estimated $7-billion shortfall in GM Canada's pension plan.
But with the latest forecast pegging the overall bailout bill at as much as $13.5-billion, or more than three times the original estimate, politicians are testing the limits of recession-racked Canadians' tolerance and financial wherewithal. The ballooning bailouts are pushing Ottawa deeper into the red, with this year's deficit projected to surpass $50-billion.
At General Motors of Canada Ltd. alone, the rescue package could amount to a staggering $1.4-million for every job saved, with no guarantee that the bailout will ensure the long-term survival of the company's remaining auto assembly and engine plants.
“What makes me glum about it all is that it's extremely difficult to get around the political necessity of subsidizing employment at an extraordinarily high cost per job,” said Finn Poschmann, vice-president of research at the C.D. Howe Institute in Toronto.
Even supporters of the bailouts say governments must slap tougher conditions on the loans, starting with a demand that the companies move high-paying research jobs to Canada from Detroit.
As governments continually revise the cost of the bailouts upward and rejig their employment projections downward, critics are seizing on the forecasts as evidence that propping up the car companies was a bad idea in the first place.
“You're not going to save jobs. All you are going to do is destroy jobs at Ford and Toyota,” said Mark Milke, director of research at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy in Calgary.
Mr. Milke dismisses the bailouts of GM and Chrysler as “a massive transfer of wealth to companies that consumers have already rejected.” The result, he maintains, is that governments “are punishing the companies that have actually run their businesses very well.”
Besides, no matter how many conditions Canadian politicians place on the loans to GM and Chrysler, or how ironclad the guarantees may appear, governments will find themselves with little or no leverage to enforce them.
“You have no guarantee that two years down the road, they'll say: ‘Well, this Canadian factory is not up to snuff, so we've got to close it.' What are the governments going to do then?” That is what happened with GM's car assembly plant in Quebec, which received $220-million in federal and provincial interest-free loans in 1987 only to pull out of the province in 2002. None of the money has been repaid.
For Mr. Milke, the auto bailouts are typical of political decisions that benefit relatively few people at the expense of millions. But because the risk of a cross-Canada taxpayer revolt is small compared to the potential payback from voters in hard-up communities in Southern Ontario, the decision to bail out the auto companies is an easy one for politicians.
While such crude political calculus no doubt plays a role in government decisions, most analysts say it's been a secondary consideration for Ottawa and Ontario as they mull the alternatives to bailing out GM and Chrysler.
“Bringing orderly adjustment to what could have been chaos,” is the aim of governments here, said Glen Hodgson, chief economist at the Conference Board of Canada. The permanent stoppage of GM and Chrysler operations in Canada would devastate parts makers and lead to shutdowns at the Toyota, Honda and Ford plants in Ontario that depend on the same suppliers, Mr. Hodgson said.
According to that argument, GM and Chrysler are linchpins necessary for the continued functioning of the entire Canadian auto sector and, hence, simply “too big to fail.” Still, even if they survive, GM and Chrysler will be a shadow of their former selves. GM Canada's work force will have shrunk to around 7,000 workers by next year from 12,000 recently, and down from about 20,000 five years ago. At Chrysler Canada, where employment peaked at more than 17,000 in 2000, the work force will drop to 8,200 in July.
Neither company has ruled out further job cuts. Rather, the Ontario and federal governments have made their help conditional on each company maintaining a certain share of its North American production in Canada, likely somewhere around 15 per cent.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper, a fierce opponent of corporate bailouts when he ran the National Citizens Coalition, has justified his government's intervention by suggesting Washington forced Ottawa's hand. President Barack Obama has signalled his intention to keep GM and Chrysler alive with tens of billions of dollars in U.S. government aid.
“Either we participate in the restructuring or these companies, which are very big in the Canadian economy, will simply be restructured out of Canada,” Mr. Harper said last week.
That argument resonates with University of Waterloo economics professor James Brox, an expert on Canada's manufacturing sector. “If they were failing on both sides of the border, you could make a case” against the bailout here, he said. “It might have been better if Obama had said they were gone. But it's fairly clear he's not going to do that.”
Despite the unpalatable political optics of guaranteeing existing pension payouts to GM Canada's 25,000 retirees – a prospect so unsavoury for Ottawa that it disputes that any of its money will go to the pension plan – Prof. Brox insists governments have no option but to allow an estimated $2-billion of the bailout money to prop up the pension plan.
“If the pension obligation could be written off, the company wouldn't need the bailout in the first place,” he said. And because pension rules in Ontario enabled GM to underfund its retirement plan for more than a decade, the provincial government has “a moral obligation to make it up” now.
The quid pro quo, Prof. Brox said, should be a requirement that GM and Chrysler perform more research and development in Canada. A recent study Prof. Brox prepared for the Institute for Research on Public Policy showed that Canadian-based auto makers spend only 1 per cent of sales on R&D compared to 15 per cent in the U.S. auto sector.
“Clearly, there are engineers and scientists that could be hired in Oshawa and Windsor just as much as Detroit,” Prof. Brox said.
Canadian Auto Workers economist Jim Stanford counters that GM and Chrysler already do more R&D in Canada than their peers and points to the establishment of automotive research institutes at McMaster University and the University of Windsor, which are jointly funded by government and industry.
Still, the relative lack of R&D in Canada shouldn't colour policy makers' decisions about whether to save GM and Chrysler assembly jobs in Canada, he said.
“Governments have to pay special attention to strengthening the presence of industries that are technology-intensive and trade-oriented. The most successful trading nations – whether it's Finland, Korea, Germany or China – have all done that in the past couple of decades. We haven't,” Mr. Stanford maintains. “If we don't do that now, we will end up with two industries – one that digs stuff out of the ground to sell to other countries and another [made up] of doughnut shops.”
That, Mr. Mike said, “is nonsense. It ignores the fact that [if GM and Chrysler go] someone else is going to come in and pick up those factories and production is going to increase at Honda, Toyota and Ford.” For the politicians, the bailout sales job may have only begun.
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Cost of bailout sheds light on deficit surprise, Steven Chase & Brian Laghi, Friday, May 29.
The Harper government found itself in a Catch-22 as it drafted the January budget during an unprecedented economic tsunami: how much should it divulge about the rising price tag for bailing out auto makers?
Four months later, the public tab for helping the auto sector has emerged as the single-biggest factor behind a surprise jump in Ottawa's budget deficit this year – which Finance Minister Jim Flaherty divulged Tuesday has ballooned by 50 per cent to $50-billion.
Federal officials said yesterday that Ottawa's auto aid bill could top $10-billion – roughly $7-billion of which Mr. Flaherty is now booking as part of the ballooning deficit because of the serious risk this money may never be repaid.
Back in January, the Conservatives were aware that the federal government's bill for helping the Canadian units of Detroit auto makers could exceed the $2.6-billion Ottawa had committed to date. U.S. private-sector estimates had already suggested the final tab for Ottawa and the Ontario government together could hit $15-billion (U.S.).
The Tories were under pressure to be as transparent as possible when they released the January 27 economic plan, one that pushed Canada into deficit for the first time in more than a decade.
But they also didn't want to tip their hand on how much support they were willing to extend to auto makers. This money would be high-risk loans that required a charge on the books to reflect the serious likelihood taxpayers might never see it again.
“You're not really helping your negotiating position if you project in a budget document an amount of money prior to actually entering into negotiation,” a senior federal official said.
Negotiations were still in early stages and Ottawa wasn't about to undermine its ultimatum to auto makers and unions that they had to produce realistic survival plans before their companies received more assistance.
“When you say that we will not provide support unless you restructure properly, you better be willing to live with that and if you roll out an announcement of funding before, prior to negotiations, you're sending the exact opposite message,” the official said.
“You're sending a signal to the company and the union that you're going to give them money no matter what.”
So instead of setting aside a full-fledged commitment of $10-billion in the January budget, Ottawa only took a provision for a portion of the roughly $2.6-billion it had committed in December.
In the past few weeks, as the full extent of Ottawa's commitment to General Motors and Chrysler took shape, federal officials had a better sense of their aid obligation. And that's why Mr. Flaherty is now taking a charge against the books of roughly $7-billion more.
A source said this is the “biggest line item” in the swelling deficit announced this week, which climbed $16.3-billion above January projections.
Sources say the other half of the deficit's climb – approximately $8-billion – reflects Canada's continuing economic decline. That includes rising Employment Insurance claims and falling tax revenue.
Should Ottawa have been able to foresee the worsening economy when it tabled the budget January 27?
Outside economists certainly didn't, for the most part. The budget reflected the average of private-sector forecasts when it projected a modest decline in economic growth.
“They didn't get great advice from most of the private-sector forecasters who were even more optimistic than Finance,” Toronto Dominion Bank chief economist Don Drummond said.
In one respect, the budget forecast was in fact more bearish than the average outlook of bank economists and other outside forecasters. Ottawa cut its forecasts for how much its tax revenue base would contract even beyond that private forecasts suggested.
But within a matter of a month to six weeks after the budget's tabling, Ottawa's forecasts were obsolete. Amid mounting pessimism that the downturn would be worse than expected, private-sector economists hop-scotched past Ottawa in terms of bearish projections, slashing forecasts across the board.
By mid-March, economists projected the deficit could hit about $40-billion.
Few economists would have been shocked then, had Mr. Flaherty announced this week that the deficit had risen to the $40-billion range instead of $50-billion. What took many by surprise was the larger-than-expected outlay for the auto sector – a figure that Ottawa had kept out of public sight.
Down.
Up, Down.
some when, some where, we had a computer language named eldritch, the genius instigators have all disappeared, from my view at least, and both companies, Omnitech Graphics (ltd? inc? and not the Australian one) and ACDS Graphic System (that's right, no 's') are defunct and disappeared too
Buffalo Springfield, For What It's Worth.
Super Session, Season Of The Witch.
Julie Driscoll, Season Of The Witch.
Donovan, Season of the Witch.
Super Session, It Takes A Lot To Laugh ....
Bob Dylan, It Takes A Lot To Laugh, It Takes A Train To Cry (1965), 1965, 1971, 1975, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1992, 1994, 1999, 2003, 2004, don't the brakeman look good bein' where he wants to be ... Super Session was Al Kooper Steven Stills Mike Bloomfield, i remember listening in an apartment in Halifax, again and again ... that's what you did in those days
Mark Kingwell says 'apples and oranges' ... but, after some thought even, i don't think so:
"In fact, though, the more you look, the more it becomes clear that the dispute is about apples and oranges. If smart means clear writing, linear thought and sustained self-organization, then yes, those skills are in short supply; if it means quick-witted talent for hyperlinking, multitasking and other compound gerunds of the screen age, then no, there is no evidence of cognitive deficit - on the contrary.
Statistically, this is truistic. Any human population, plumbed for any cognitive skill, old-school or new, will show a roughly normal distribution of talent.
[lies, damned lies, & statistics!]
Unfortunately, all the available answers are both obvious and mutually inconsistent; there can be no right answer because all the half-right answers cancel each other out. So let's ask a different question: What is intelligence for?
The premise behind any worry that kids are getting dumber is that this is a bad thing, a development to deprecate. If Johnny can't write (one side avers), then what hope is there for public discourse, critical diligence and democracy? If Johnny can't tweet (the other side responds), then what hope is there for fast-moving crowd-sourced innovation and collective creativity? Each side defines intelligence in its favour because both assume that intelligence must be the governing value of human evolution.
I have a modest proposal that will resolve this tiresome debate forever: Consider the possibility that both sides are wrong. Imagine for a moment that we have reached the end not only of the book-smarts era of human civilization, but also of the entire smarts era, period. Replacing one form of intelligence with another form just obscures the baseline truth: Human intelligence has become counter-adaptive.
Too smart for our own good, Mark Kingwell, see also Jevon's Paradox.
"The saddest thing is that - its sense of limited government long lost - American public opinion endorses this rush to fiscal ruin."
Unlimited government leading to limitless debt, Neil Reynolds.
meanwhile, back at the ranch, k-k-Canada's bailout proceeds apace:
$1.4-million for every job saved, Konrad Yakabuski, Thursday May 28.
Cost of bailout sheds light on deficit surprise, Steven Chase & Brian Laghi, Friday, May 29.
Slack-filled young men and women of Yeti descent who are spread, SEEMINGLY randomly, throughout the breakthinking world... but are bent on breaching all Earthly human political and cultural barriers with the searing nonhuman truth of the Word of "Bob", J.R. "Bob" Dobbs, that LIVING GOD WHO WALKS THIS PLANET EARTH IN HUCKSTER'S SHOES.
OR BURN IN SLACKLESSNESS TRYING NOT TO!
Send $1 to:
The Church of the SubGenius
PO Box 140306
Dallas, TX 75214
and you'll NEVER be the same again ...
The Church of the SubGenius.
Give me slack or kill me. |
Shuffle Demons Spadina Bus Summer 2009 Agenda Canada Day Guinness World Record for the largest saxophone ensemble.
A Little Bitty Tear, A Little Bitty Tear, A Little Bitty Tear.
it went like this y'see, it has been a while since i have seen anything by Mark Kingwell, i consider him the next generation of Canadian philosopher (after Charles Taylor), but the article looked slanted to sell to boomers, a statistical premiss? whiff-n-poof ... still, i am looking at young people from reasonably up-close, at my children and their friends plus what i see in the streets, two of my children have graduated from university and cannot spell, but none of them are what Rev. Bob Dobbs would call 'pinks' so Kingwell's argument let a little light into my situation and i wanted to remember that, however, that's to day, HOWEVER, the nitwits running the country can spell and the whole thing is clearly headed off over the horizon (horizon here in the sense of a cliff :-) and in the middle of all of this i came across Sonny Rollins and Pat Metheny coming to town and slipped out on the TTC to buy some (very pricey) tickets, so the connection to Shuffle Demons, the COC box office not being far from Spadina and blah blah blah ... then ... well, i don't want to get too personal ... suffice to say that despite a, i think, British line to the effect that 'what the ears do not hear, the heart does not feel' my experience has been that the heart always knows! not everything maybe but most, and much as we might like to try to fool it, interesting that twice in one day i immediately try to shed the brunt by running to music, and in the second case to music from 1961 when i was just a wee laddie, and anyway, i would have her on any terms
a-and maybe now there will be real energy to quit smoking (?)
in the past few days i have noticed three ranting men on the streets, the first one singing, at the top of his lungs, "people are strange when you're a stranger, faces look ugly when you're alone, women seem wicked when you're unwanted, streets are uneven when you're down, when you're strange," that old Doors tune, and almost right away an old man i had seen on the subway came up the stairs behind me and started singing something else very loudly, can't remember what it was, and today i saw a man who looked like he either had Tourettes or was imitating it, i say imitating because he was not screaming obscenities, just gibberish, as if maybe there had been a time when he shouted obscenities and the reaction was too strong?
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Too smart for our own good, Mark Kingwell, Friday, May 29.
Maybe we should punish the clever and reward the dumb so we can eventually get back to a simpler time
It's graduation time at universities across the continent and, as so often at this time of year, people ask me: “Are the kids getting dumber? Can they even write?”
This is a bit like debating the value of the designated-hitter rule: The answer says more about you than about the state of play. Answer yes and you brand yourself a bookish curmudgeon, a fogey no matter what your age. Answer no and you align with new cognitive models, social networking websites, early gadget adoption and freewheeling music download.
In other words, it's cool versus uncool. There are even duelling books on the subject so that the sides can point to argument and evidence - although one might detect a potentially fatal irony in the smarter-kids types needing to cite books in the first place, given that books are so, like, 1780.
In fact, though, the more you look, the more it becomes clear that the dispute is about apples and oranges. If smart means clear writing, linear thought and sustained self-organization, then yes, those skills are in short supply; if it means quick-witted talent for hyperlinking, multitasking and other compound gerunds of the screen age, then no, there is no evidence of cognitive deficit - on the contrary.
Statistically, this is truistic. Any human population, plumbed for any cognitive skill, old-school or new, will show a roughly normal distribution of talent. Past academic emphasis on expository writing didn't make for more good writers as a function of population, it just picked out the individuals who were good at writing. With a university population that was both smaller and skewed in favour of that skill, the tail - those declining away from the mean - was shorter. People wanted to be clear writers, and were punished if they were not. But in no case does it mean that kids were smarter then, or dumber now.
This is the point where the dispute typically hares off into a hand-wringing discussion of what universities are for and whether they're any good at doing whatever that is. Socialization machine or crucible of citizenship? Job-training centre or gateway to wisdom?
Unfortunately, all the available answers are both obvious and mutually inconsistent; there can be no right answer because all the half-right answers cancel each other out. So let's ask a different question: What is intelligence for?
The premise behind any worry that kids are getting dumber is that this is a bad thing, a development to deprecate. If Johnny can't write (one side avers), then what hope is there for public discourse, critical diligence and democracy? If Johnny can't tweet (the other side responds), then what hope is there for fast-moving crowd-sourced innovation and collective creativity? Each side defines intelligence in its favour because both assume that intelligence must be the governing value of human evolution.
I have a modest proposal that will resolve this tiresome debate forever: Consider the possibility that both sides are wrong. Imagine for a moment that we have reached the end not only of the book-smarts era of human civilization, but also of the entire smarts era, period. Replacing one form of intelligence with another form just obscures the baseline truth: Human intelligence has become counter-adaptive.
This might sound crazy. After all, it's precisely the ingenious tricks of human problem-solving that have made us so successful at survival. But these same tricks have also generated large negative effects: environmental degradation, weapons of mass destruction, hedge funds, sophisticated forms of torture and the justification thereof. In the global adapt-or-die sweepstakes, humans keep scraping by, almost despite themselves, the net good effects of intelligence just outdistancing the bad.
How long can this possibly go on? In supercomplex systems, ones with multiple variables that are at once interconnected and threatened, failure is rarely incremental, the way it might be in a single-variable system. If one small part of our world fails, the larger failure is likely to be catastrophic and immediate. Just think about downtown traffic snarled by a collision, or the airline schedule during an electrical storm. Now reflect on the global food chain and energy grid - or the financial network.
It's not that we've been dumb; it's that we've been too smart for too long. Success breeds success - literally so in evolutionary terms. We have succeeded well past our safety thresholds. There are too many of us, and we're too good at inventing things. Being smart turns out to be a dumb idea.
Is there anything to be done about it? Well, experience indicates that calls for restraint and sacrifice are rarely successful when people lack other incentives to change their behaviour. So I suggest we tackle the problem at the root: Let's start selecting for dumbness. Not just in the sense of giving up on old-fashioned writing skills. That ship has sailed. Let's go farther and invert the value scale. Let's actively punish the clever and reward the slow and unambitious.
Maybe then, after a few generations, we will breed our way out of this mess and back into a simpler age. “Are the kids getting dumber?” my academic successors will be asked. “Yes” they will say. “It's working”
Mark Kingwell is professor of philosophy at the University of Toronto.
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Unlimited government leading to limitless debt, Neil Reynolds, Friday, May 29.
The two are not accidental, and the results are predictable
In 1792, the U.S. government spent nothing on pensions, health care or welfare programs. It did, though, spend $1.2-million on defence and $700,000 on "general purposes," which covered all other federal responsibilities - except for the interest on the national debt ($77.2-million), an obligation that required payment of $3.2-million a year. Thus federal expenditures in that final year of George Washington's first term as president came to $5.1-million, or (interest included) a mere 2.4 per cent of GDP ($220-million). This was limited government, more limited than we can now even begin to imagine.
Yet the nascent country (population 4.2 million) deplored its debt, which represented 35 per cent of gross domestic product, a proportion of debt-to-GDP equal to the later Civil War years.
Washington himself was quite explicit. He called on Congress for "vigorous exertion" to discharge in peacetime the debts occasioned by war "and not throw upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear." Thomas Jefferson, the third president, agreed. First comes public debt, he asserted. Second comes taxation. Third comes "wretchedness and oppression."
By 1808, at the end of Jefferson's second term, U.S. debt had been reduced to 8.3 per cent of GDP. Four years later, at the start of the War of 1812, it had been reduced to 5.8 per cent. This, too, was limited government - a reflection of the inherent frugality that disciplined public spending in earlier times.
The War of 1812 wasn't nearly as expensive as the Civil War would be. It did take U.S. debt back into double digits, from 10.8 per cent of GDP in 1815 to 16.2 per cent in 1825. The frugal impulse, however, remained. The national debt stood at 9.4 per cent of GDP in 1826, and was erased by 1835. The United States remained debt-free for eight years. And from 1843 to 1861, debt never exceeded 3 per cent of GDP. This, too, was limited government.
The Civil War - and postwar stimulus spending - changed everything. Debt increased from 9.2 per cent of GDP in 1861, when the war began, to 27.1 per cent in 1865, when it ended - and then ran at 30 per cent through the rest of the decade. The debt did shrink, but never again returned to single-digit numbers. By 1900, the debt-to-GDP ratio was 10.3 per cent.
Although the United States engaged in the First World War for only two years, military spending in 1917-19 drove debt to unprecedented levels: 44.7 per cent of GDP. Throughout the 1920s, debt levels remained high (averaging 34.6 per cent). The American era of limited government was ending.
Then came the double whammy: the "disaster socialism" of the Great Depression and the Second World War, which inexorably pushed publicly acceptable debt levels higher and higher.
President Herbert Hoover presided over a doubling of debt in a period of three years, to 65.9 per cent of GDP by 1932. Franklin Roosevelt kept borrowing but never surpassed Hoover's debt burden in any significant way. U.S. debt hit its Depression high in 1933, at 73.7 per cent; the Depression average was closer to 65 per cent.
The Second World War doubled the debt level of the Depression, setting a record that would remain unequalled until the presidency of Barack Obama, whose budget projections suggest that the United States will soon equal the debt burden of the most devastating war in history.
It takes time for debt to accumulate, in wartime or in peacetime. The increase in U.S. wartime debt tracks this process: In 1942, debt was 56.6 per cent of GDP; in 1943, 78.1 per cent; in 1944, 99.4 per cent; in 1945, 123.4 per cent; in postwar 1946, 128.3 per cent.
In the years immediately following the war, a gradual lessening of debt took place, but never in a definitive way. In the 1950s, the debt-to-GDP ratio fell to 70 per cent. In the 1960s, it fell to 60 per cent. In the 1970s, it fell to 50 per cent. In the 1980s, it rose again - hitting a high of 66.8 per cent. In the 1990s, it rose further, reaching 75.8 per cent in 1999. By 2008, it had risen to 87.1 per cent.
These debt percentages include the parallel rise and fall of debt in state and municipal governments. Although long required to balance their budgets, they now often don't. (By 2010, California will owe $100-billion.) For 105 years - 1796 through 1902 - state governments incurred zero debt. This, too, was limited government. Now state debt represents 18 per cent of the country's debt.
As calculated by the Congressional Budget Office, Mr. Obama's deficit spending alone will take the national debt to 108.5 per cent of GDP by the end of 2009, to 116.6 per cent by the end of 2010, and to 119.7 per cent by the end of 2011.
It is credible to conclude that the United States will set a national debt record - at more than 130 per cent of GDP - by the end of 2016. Based on GDP of $14-trillion, U.S. national debt will almost certainly exceed $20-trillion, or three times the pre-Obama debt.
The saddest thing is that - its sense of limited government long lost - American public opinion endorses this rush to fiscal ruin.
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$1.4-million for every job saved, Konrad Yakabuski, Thursday May 28.
With the latest forecast pegging the overall auto bailout bill at as much as $13.5-billion, or more than three times the original estimate, politicians are testing the limits of recession-racked Canadians' tolerance
With the projected cost of bailing out GM and Chrysler mounting by the day, the federal and Ontario governments may need to come up with a new sales pitch to persuade maxed-out taxpayers to go along for the increasingly wild ride.
Ottawa and Toronto were already asking a lot of Canadians – most of whom have no private retirement fund and earn significantly less than auto assembly workers – by allowing some of the bailout money to go toward fixing an estimated $7-billion shortfall in GM Canada's pension plan.
But with the latest forecast pegging the overall bailout bill at as much as $13.5-billion, or more than three times the original estimate, politicians are testing the limits of recession-racked Canadians' tolerance and financial wherewithal. The ballooning bailouts are pushing Ottawa deeper into the red, with this year's deficit projected to surpass $50-billion.
At General Motors of Canada Ltd. alone, the rescue package could amount to a staggering $1.4-million for every job saved, with no guarantee that the bailout will ensure the long-term survival of the company's remaining auto assembly and engine plants.
“What makes me glum about it all is that it's extremely difficult to get around the political necessity of subsidizing employment at an extraordinarily high cost per job,” said Finn Poschmann, vice-president of research at the C.D. Howe Institute in Toronto.
Even supporters of the bailouts say governments must slap tougher conditions on the loans, starting with a demand that the companies move high-paying research jobs to Canada from Detroit.
As governments continually revise the cost of the bailouts upward and rejig their employment projections downward, critics are seizing on the forecasts as evidence that propping up the car companies was a bad idea in the first place.
“You're not going to save jobs. All you are going to do is destroy jobs at Ford and Toyota,” said Mark Milke, director of research at the Frontier Centre for Public Policy in Calgary.
Mr. Milke dismisses the bailouts of GM and Chrysler as “a massive transfer of wealth to companies that consumers have already rejected.” The result, he maintains, is that governments “are punishing the companies that have actually run their businesses very well.”
Besides, no matter how many conditions Canadian politicians place on the loans to GM and Chrysler, or how ironclad the guarantees may appear, governments will find themselves with little or no leverage to enforce them.
“You have no guarantee that two years down the road, they'll say: ‘Well, this Canadian factory is not up to snuff, so we've got to close it.' What are the governments going to do then?” That is what happened with GM's car assembly plant in Quebec, which received $220-million in federal and provincial interest-free loans in 1987 only to pull out of the province in 2002. None of the money has been repaid.
For Mr. Milke, the auto bailouts are typical of political decisions that benefit relatively few people at the expense of millions. But because the risk of a cross-Canada taxpayer revolt is small compared to the potential payback from voters in hard-up communities in Southern Ontario, the decision to bail out the auto companies is an easy one for politicians.
While such crude political calculus no doubt plays a role in government decisions, most analysts say it's been a secondary consideration for Ottawa and Ontario as they mull the alternatives to bailing out GM and Chrysler.
“Bringing orderly adjustment to what could have been chaos,” is the aim of governments here, said Glen Hodgson, chief economist at the Conference Board of Canada. The permanent stoppage of GM and Chrysler operations in Canada would devastate parts makers and lead to shutdowns at the Toyota, Honda and Ford plants in Ontario that depend on the same suppliers, Mr. Hodgson said.
According to that argument, GM and Chrysler are linchpins necessary for the continued functioning of the entire Canadian auto sector and, hence, simply “too big to fail.” Still, even if they survive, GM and Chrysler will be a shadow of their former selves. GM Canada's work force will have shrunk to around 7,000 workers by next year from 12,000 recently, and down from about 20,000 five years ago. At Chrysler Canada, where employment peaked at more than 17,000 in 2000, the work force will drop to 8,200 in July.
Neither company has ruled out further job cuts. Rather, the Ontario and federal governments have made their help conditional on each company maintaining a certain share of its North American production in Canada, likely somewhere around 15 per cent.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper, a fierce opponent of corporate bailouts when he ran the National Citizens Coalition, has justified his government's intervention by suggesting Washington forced Ottawa's hand. President Barack Obama has signalled his intention to keep GM and Chrysler alive with tens of billions of dollars in U.S. government aid.
“Either we participate in the restructuring or these companies, which are very big in the Canadian economy, will simply be restructured out of Canada,” Mr. Harper said last week.
That argument resonates with University of Waterloo economics professor James Brox, an expert on Canada's manufacturing sector. “If they were failing on both sides of the border, you could make a case” against the bailout here, he said. “It might have been better if Obama had said they were gone. But it's fairly clear he's not going to do that.”
Despite the unpalatable political optics of guaranteeing existing pension payouts to GM Canada's 25,000 retirees – a prospect so unsavoury for Ottawa that it disputes that any of its money will go to the pension plan – Prof. Brox insists governments have no option but to allow an estimated $2-billion of the bailout money to prop up the pension plan.
“If the pension obligation could be written off, the company wouldn't need the bailout in the first place,” he said. And because pension rules in Ontario enabled GM to underfund its retirement plan for more than a decade, the provincial government has “a moral obligation to make it up” now.
The quid pro quo, Prof. Brox said, should be a requirement that GM and Chrysler perform more research and development in Canada. A recent study Prof. Brox prepared for the Institute for Research on Public Policy showed that Canadian-based auto makers spend only 1 per cent of sales on R&D compared to 15 per cent in the U.S. auto sector.
“Clearly, there are engineers and scientists that could be hired in Oshawa and Windsor just as much as Detroit,” Prof. Brox said.
Canadian Auto Workers economist Jim Stanford counters that GM and Chrysler already do more R&D in Canada than their peers and points to the establishment of automotive research institutes at McMaster University and the University of Windsor, which are jointly funded by government and industry.
Still, the relative lack of R&D in Canada shouldn't colour policy makers' decisions about whether to save GM and Chrysler assembly jobs in Canada, he said.
“Governments have to pay special attention to strengthening the presence of industries that are technology-intensive and trade-oriented. The most successful trading nations – whether it's Finland, Korea, Germany or China – have all done that in the past couple of decades. We haven't,” Mr. Stanford maintains. “If we don't do that now, we will end up with two industries – one that digs stuff out of the ground to sell to other countries and another [made up] of doughnut shops.”
That, Mr. Mike said, “is nonsense. It ignores the fact that [if GM and Chrysler go] someone else is going to come in and pick up those factories and production is going to increase at Honda, Toyota and Ford.” For the politicians, the bailout sales job may have only begun.
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Cost of bailout sheds light on deficit surprise, Steven Chase & Brian Laghi, Friday, May 29.
The Harper government found itself in a Catch-22 as it drafted the January budget during an unprecedented economic tsunami: how much should it divulge about the rising price tag for bailing out auto makers?
Four months later, the public tab for helping the auto sector has emerged as the single-biggest factor behind a surprise jump in Ottawa's budget deficit this year – which Finance Minister Jim Flaherty divulged Tuesday has ballooned by 50 per cent to $50-billion.
Federal officials said yesterday that Ottawa's auto aid bill could top $10-billion – roughly $7-billion of which Mr. Flaherty is now booking as part of the ballooning deficit because of the serious risk this money may never be repaid.
Back in January, the Conservatives were aware that the federal government's bill for helping the Canadian units of Detroit auto makers could exceed the $2.6-billion Ottawa had committed to date. U.S. private-sector estimates had already suggested the final tab for Ottawa and the Ontario government together could hit $15-billion (U.S.).
The Tories were under pressure to be as transparent as possible when they released the January 27 economic plan, one that pushed Canada into deficit for the first time in more than a decade.
But they also didn't want to tip their hand on how much support they were willing to extend to auto makers. This money would be high-risk loans that required a charge on the books to reflect the serious likelihood taxpayers might never see it again.
“You're not really helping your negotiating position if you project in a budget document an amount of money prior to actually entering into negotiation,” a senior federal official said.
Negotiations were still in early stages and Ottawa wasn't about to undermine its ultimatum to auto makers and unions that they had to produce realistic survival plans before their companies received more assistance.
“When you say that we will not provide support unless you restructure properly, you better be willing to live with that and if you roll out an announcement of funding before, prior to negotiations, you're sending the exact opposite message,” the official said.
“You're sending a signal to the company and the union that you're going to give them money no matter what.”
So instead of setting aside a full-fledged commitment of $10-billion in the January budget, Ottawa only took a provision for a portion of the roughly $2.6-billion it had committed in December.
In the past few weeks, as the full extent of Ottawa's commitment to General Motors and Chrysler took shape, federal officials had a better sense of their aid obligation. And that's why Mr. Flaherty is now taking a charge against the books of roughly $7-billion more.
A source said this is the “biggest line item” in the swelling deficit announced this week, which climbed $16.3-billion above January projections.
Sources say the other half of the deficit's climb – approximately $8-billion – reflects Canada's continuing economic decline. That includes rising Employment Insurance claims and falling tax revenue.
Should Ottawa have been able to foresee the worsening economy when it tabled the budget January 27?
Outside economists certainly didn't, for the most part. The budget reflected the average of private-sector forecasts when it projected a modest decline in economic growth.
“They didn't get great advice from most of the private-sector forecasters who were even more optimistic than Finance,” Toronto Dominion Bank chief economist Don Drummond said.
In one respect, the budget forecast was in fact more bearish than the average outlook of bank economists and other outside forecasters. Ottawa cut its forecasts for how much its tax revenue base would contract even beyond that private forecasts suggested.
But within a matter of a month to six weeks after the budget's tabling, Ottawa's forecasts were obsolete. Amid mounting pessimism that the downturn would be worse than expected, private-sector economists hop-scotched past Ottawa in terms of bearish projections, slashing forecasts across the board.
By mid-March, economists projected the deficit could hit about $40-billion.
Few economists would have been shocked then, had Mr. Flaherty announced this week that the deficit had risen to the $40-billion range instead of $50-billion. What took many by surprise was the larger-than-expected outlay for the auto sector – a figure that Ottawa had kept out of public sight.
Down.
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