Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα Slavery today. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων
Εμφάνιση αναρτήσεων με ετικέτα Slavery today. Εμφάνιση όλων των αναρτήσεων

Τρίτη 22 Ιουνίου 2021

Slavery in Sudan today


 
Children enslaved in Sudan! (photo from here)
 

Slavery in Sudan - Wikipedia
Modern-day slavery

The "modern wave" of slavery in Sudan reportedly began in 1983 with the Second Sudanese Civil War between the North and South. It involved large numbers of Sudanese people from the southern and central regions, "primarily the Dinka, Nuer and Nuba of central Sudan," being captured and sold "(or exploited in other ways)" by Northern Sudanese who consider themselves as Arabs.[11][12] The problem of slavery reportedly became worse after the National Islamic Front-backed military government took power in 1989, the Khartoum government declared jihad against non-Muslim opposition in the south.[13] The Baggara were also given freedom "to kill these groups, loot their wealth, capture slaves, expel the rest from the territories, and forcefully settle their lands."[14]

The Sudan Criminal Code of 1991 did not list slavery as a crime, but the Republic of Sudan has ratified the Slavery Convention, the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, and is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).[1] Nonetheless, according to the imam of the Ansar movement and former prime minister, Sadiq al-Mahdi, jihad

requires initiating hostilities for religious purposes. [...] It is true that the [NIF] regime has not enacted a law to realize slavery in Sudan. But the traditional concept of jihad does allow slavery as a by-product [of jihad].[15]

Human Rights Watch[16] and Amnesty International[17] first reported on slavery in Sudan in 1995 in the context of the Second Sudanese Civil War. In 1996, two more reports emerged, one by a United Nations representative and another by reporters from the Baltimore Sun, just one of many "extensive accounts of slave raiding" in Sudan provided by Western media outlets since 1995.[Note 1]

Human Rights Watch and others have described the contemporary form of slavery in Sudan as mainly the work of the armed, government-backed militia of the Baggara tribes who raid civilians—primarily of the Dinka ethnic group from the southern region of Bahr El Ghazal. The Baggara captured children and women who were taken to western Sudan and elsewhere. They were "forced to work for free in homes and in fields, punished when they refuse, and abused physically and sometimes sexually". The government of Sudan "arm[ed] and sanction[ed] the practice of slavery by this tribal militia", known as muraheleen, as a low cost way of weakening its enemy in the Second Sudanese Civil War, the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), which was thought to have a base of support among the Dinka tribe of southern Sudan.[1]

According to a 2002 report issued by the International Eminent Persons Group, (acting with the encouragement of the US State Department) both the government-backed militias and the rebels (led by the SPLA) have been found guilty of abducting civilians, but "of particular concern" were incidents that occurred "in conjunction with attacks by pro-government militias known as murahaleen on villages in SPLA-controlled areas near the boundary between northern and southern Sudan." The Group concluded that "in a significant number of cases", abduction is the first stage in "a pattern of abuse that falls under the definition of slavery in the International Slavery Convention of 1926 and the Supplementary Convention of 1956."[2]

Estimates of abductions during the war range from 14,000 to 200,000.[19] One estimate by social historian Jok Madut Jok is of 10–15,000 slaves in Sudan "at any one time", the number remaining roughly constant as individual slaves come and go—as captives escape, have their freedom bought or are released as unfit for labor, more are captured.[20] Until 1999, the number of slaves kept by slave taker retains after the distribution of the human war booty was usually "three to six and rarely exceeded ten per slave raider". Although modern slave trading never approached the scale of nineteenth-century Nilotic slavery, some Baggara "operated as brokers to convert the war captives into slaves", selling slaves "at scattered points throughout Western Sudan", and "as far north as Kharoum". Illegal and highly unpopular internationally, the trade is done "discreetly", and kept to a "minimal level" so that "evidence for it is very difficult to obtain." "Slave owners simply deny that Southern children working for them are slaves." [21]

According to a January 25, 1999, report in CBS news, slaves have been sold for $50 apiece.[22]

Writing for The Wall Street Journal on December 12, 2001, Michael Rubin said:[23]

What's Sudanese slavery like? One 11-year-old Christian boy told me about his first days in captivity: "I was told to be a Muslim several times, and I refused, which is why they cut off my finger." Twelve-year-old Alokor Ngor Deng was taken as a slave in 1993. She has not seen her mother since the slave raiders sold the two to different masters. Thirteen-year-old Akon was seized by Sudanese military while in her village five years ago. She was gang-raped by six government soldiers, and witnessed seven executions before being sold to a Sudanese Arab.

Many freed slaves bore signs of beatings, burnings and other tortures. More than three-quarters of formerly enslaved women and girls reported rapes.

While nongovernmental organizations argue over how to end slavery, few deny the existence of the practice. ...[E]stimates of the number of blacks now enslaved in Sudan vary from tens of thousands to hundreds of thousands (not counting those sold as forced labour in Libya)...

The Sudanese government has never admitted to the existence of "slavery" within their borders,[24][25] but in 1999, under international pressure, it established the committee to Eradicate the Abduction of Women and Children (CEAWC). 4,000 "abducted" southerners were returned to South Sudan through this program before it was shut down in 2010.[26]

End of trade

According to the Rift Valley Institute, slave-raiding, "abduction … effectively ceased" in 2002. "A significant number" of slaves were repatriated after 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005, but "an unknown number" remain in captivity.[4] The Institute created a "Sudan Abductee Database" containing "the names of over 11,000 people who were abducted in 20 years of slave-raiding" in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal state in southern Sudan, from 1983 to 2002.[4][5] The January 2005 "North/South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA)" peace treaty that ended the Sudanese civil war[27] put an end to the slave raids, according to Christian Solidarity International, but did not provide a "way home for those already enslaved."[28] The last Human Rights Watch "Backgrounder on Slavery in Sudan" was updated March 2002.[1]

Christian Solidarity International slave redemption efforts

Efforts to "redeem" or to buy the freedom of slaves in Sudan are controversial.[1] Beginning in 1995, Christian Solidarity International began "redeeming" slaves through an underground network of traders set up through local peace agreements between Arab and southern chiefs. The group claims to have freed over 80,000 people in this manner since that time.[29] Several other charities eventually followed suit.

In 1999, UNICEF called the practice of redeeming slaves 'intolerable', arguing that these charities are implicitly accepting that human beings can be bought and sold.[30]

UNICEF also said that buying slaves from slave-traders gives them cash to purchase arms and ammunition. But Christian Solidarity said they purchase slaves in Sudanese pounds, not US dollars that could be used to purchase arms.[30]

As of 2015, Christian Solidarity International stated that it continues redeeming slaves. On its website,[29] the group stated that it employs safeguards against fraud, and that allegations of fraud "remain today unsubstantiated".

‘How I escaped child slavery in Sudan’

Interview with Simon Deng, a former domestic slave who now lives in America and talks on human rights issues. He is also involved in peace and reconciliation talks with the people in south Sudan. he is a native of the Shiluk Kingdom in Southern Sudan. Picture: Antoine de Ras, 10/03/2013

By Kristen Van Schie, Mar 11, 2013

www.iol.co.za

Johannesburg - His tribal scars are the first thing you notice about Simon Deng.

He sits suited and collared and tied - a small blue pin on his lapel reading, “Freedom is not free.”

But it’s the line of scar tissue - 20 or so bumps stretching across his brow, from ear to ear - that catch the eye.

The first thing he did after escaping slavery was to have the markings of South Sudan’s Shilluk tribe cut into his flesh.

“For all those years that I was a slave, the dog lived better than I did,” he says.

“My slave master told me that to be treated like a human being, I must do three things: convert to Islam, take an Arab name, and become their son. To give up my identity. Now, nobody can take my identity away.”

Deng was nine when he was abducted, put on a boat going up the Nile and given to a northern Sudanese family as a “gift”.

For the next three-and-a-half years, he was the family’s beast of burden, doing chores, walking to and from the river carrying water.

“I was made to do things a child cannot do physically. It wasn’t easy, but did I have a choice? I was punished if I did not fulfil all my tasks.”

He was beaten, bullied, threatened. Run away and your legs will be cut off, he was told.

It’s difficult to imagine now. Deng sits in the restaurant of an upmarket hotel, pouring warm milk into his coffee - an award-winning abolitionist activist travelling the world to share his message that slavery is not history; that it is happening now.

But it was only after 20 years of freedom that Deng began to speak up.

For former slaves, speaking about their ordeal is taboo - shameful, says Deng. Even when he became a Sudanese long-distance swimming champion, he kept his experiences to himself.

But in 1993, having relocated to the US, he read a newspaper article that brought back the pain of his childhood.

“It said in Sudan you could buy a human being for $10. I could not believe what I saw. For three nights I couldn’t sleep. It haunted me. These were my people. This was my country. This was the very situation I had walked away from. But I was living in denial.”

Deng organised several walks across the US to raise awareness about slavery in his country, and to push for the independence of South Sudan.

“To look back and see where I am now, I consider myself a lucky victim. So many kids like me who went through what I went through will never have this opportunity, to go all over the world and speak to free people as a free person. I have a moral obligation to speak out on behalf of those who can’t speak for themselves.”

It is a moral obligation that extends to countries with clout, he says. Countries like South Africa.

South Sudan gained independence in July 2011, yet the fighting between north and south persists.

“The AU is always sitting down to discuss Sudan - but the solutions do not materialise. Africa needs a fatherhead to look up to and South Africa is in a position to play that role. If South African leaders turn a blind eye to a child calling for help, that itself is immoral.”

South Africa has forces in Darfur, western Sudan, as part of the UN-AU operations in the region.

For Deng, freedom came in the form of the same tribal marks he now bears. Sent to market one day, he saw three men with the scars he’d seen back home.

“It was like the sun rising out from nowhere,” he says.

He approached the men, spilled out his story, his name, the names of his parents, his village, his tribe, speaking in his native tongue to convince them he was one of them. They knew somebody from the same village. Over the next few weeks, Deng’s escape was plotted.

Then, suddenly, he was on a steamer heading south and standing outside his mother’s hut and his sister was screaming and his mother was crying and the son they thought was long dead - the son who had been missing for three-and-a-half years, whose father had offered a reward of 10 cows for information on - was home.

Deng is still based in the US, but travels to South Sudan as often as he can. As for the north? “Never,” he says.

But that’s the point, having that choice.

“There was a time when I couldn’t say no, when all I knew was yes - and yes to everything. Now, without fear of torture or punishment, I can choose. I can say no. I am a free man.”

* For every 1 000 people in Africa, four will be pushed into modern-day slavery.

According to the International Labour Organisation, an estimated 20.9 million people around the world were victims of forced labour between 2002 and 2011.

Of these, 4.5 million were victims of forced sexual exploitation, while 14.2 million were forced into economic activities of the kind Simon Deng experienced, like agriculture, construction, domestic work and manufacturing. Ten percent were at the mercy of state entities, like prisons or the army, or rebel forces.

More than half the victims were women and girls, and a quarter were children under the age of 17. Most of these victims were found in Asia, but in an unwelcome second place - with 3.7 million people in forced labour - was Africa.

Source: ILO 2012 Global Estimate of Forced Labour

kristen.vanschie@inl.co.za // The Star

Children in Sudan: Slaves, Street Children and Child Soldiers

foreignaffairs.com

Both the Sudanese government and the two rebel movements fighting for control of southern Sudan have flagrantly violated the rights of children by forcibly recruiting many hundreds of child soldiers, according to this Human Rights Watch report. Moreover, the report shows that the Sudanese government tolerates the enslavement of southern and Nuba children captured in military raids and engages in the indiscriminate detention and ill-treatment of youths who are often inaccurately deemed to be street children. Many non-Muslims detained in camps for street children are forced to adopt Muslim names and convert to Islam.
Going beyond the neglect of these abuses, most of which violate its own laws, the government denies that the abuses exist.
Human Rights Watch calls on the Sudanese to end these violations, and on the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations to sustain their efforts to defend children's rights in this violence-torn country.

Amazon.com

See also

Interpol Rescues 85 Child Slaves From Sudan's Streets and Gold Mines (2018)

History of slavery in the Sudan (photo)

Slavery in modern Africa
Mende Nazer
Francis Bok
Human rights in Sudan
History of Slavery in the Muslim World
Christian Solidarity International

 



Σάββατο 12 Σεπτεμβρίου 2020

Libia. Torture nei campi di detenzione: le nuove immagini choc

diktiospartakos.blogspot.com

Katerina Tsapopoulou

Libia. Torture nei campi di detenzione: le nuove immagini choc
Paolo Lambruschi sabato 4 gennaio 2020
Donna appesa a testa in giù e presa a bastonate: le cronache dell'orrore dal lager di Bani Walid, in Libia. Sei morti in due mesi. Spuntano i nomi degli schiavisti: «Ci stuprano e ci uccidono»


Una giovane eritrea appesa a testa in giù urla mentre viene bastonata ripetutamente nella "black room", la sala delle torture presente nei centri di detenzione in Libia. Questa è una sequenza di frame del video choc spedito dai suoi aguzzini ai familiari della donna presa a bastonate allo scopo di estorcere soldi per salvare la figlia
 
COMMENTA E CONDIVIDI

Una giovane eritrea appesa a testa in giù urla mentre viene bastonata ripetutamente nella "black room", la sala delle torture presente in molti centri libici per migranti. Il video choc - di cui riportiamo solo alcuni fermo immagine - è stato spedito via smartphone ai familiari della sventurata che devono trovare i soldi per riscattarla e salvarle la vita.
È quello che accade a Bani Walid, centro di detenzione informale, in mano alle milizie libiche. Ma anche nei centri ufficiali di detenzione, dove i detenuti sono sotto la "protezione" delle autorità di Tripoli pagata dall’Ue e dall’Italia: la situazione sta precipitando con cibo scarso, nessuna assistenza medica, corruzione. In Libia l’Unhcr ha registrato 40mila rifugiati e richiedenti asilo, 6mila dei quali sono rinchiusi nel sistema formato dai 12 centri di detenzione ufficiali, il resto in centri come Bani Walid o in strada. In tutto, stima il "Global detention project", vi sarebbero 33 galere. Vi sono anche detenuti soprattutto africani non registrati la cui stima è impossibile.

La vita della ragazza del Corno d’Africa appesa, lo abbiamo scritto sette giorni fa, vale 12.500 dollari. Ma nessuno interviene e continuano le cronache dell’orrore da Bani Walid, unanimente considerato il più crudele luogo di tortura della Libia. Un altro detenuto eritreo è morto qui negli ultimi giorni per le torture inferte con bastone, coltello e scariche elettriche perché non poteva pagare. In tutto fanno sei morti in due mesi. Stavolta non siamo riusciti a conoscere le sue generalità e a dargli almeno dignità nella morte. Quando si apre la connessione con l’inferno vicino a noi, arrivano sullo smartphone con il ronzio di un messaggio foto disumane e disperate richieste di aiuto, parole di angoscia e terrore che in Italia e nella Ue abbiamo ignorato girando la testa o incolpando addirittura le vittime.

«Mangiamo un pane al giorno e uno alla sera, beviamo un bicchiere d’acqua sporca a testa. Non ci sono bagni», scrive uno di loro in un inglese stentato. «Fate in fretta, aiutateci, siamo allo stremo», prosegue. Il gruppo dei 66 prigionieri eritrei che da oltre due mesi è nelle mani dei trafficanti libici si è ridotto a 60 persone stipate nel gruppo di capannoni che formano il mega centro di detenzione in campagna nel quartiere di Tasni al Harbi, alla periferia della città della tribù dei Warfalla, situata nel distretto di Misurata, circa 150 chilometri a sud-est di Tripoli. Lager di proprietà dei trafficanti, inaccessibile all’Unhcr in un crocevia delle rotte migratorie da sud (Sebha) ed est (Kufra) per raggiungere la costa, dove quasi tutti i migranti in Libia si sono fermati e hanno pagato un riscatto per imbarcarsi. Lo conferma lo studio sulla politica economica dei centri di detenzione in Libia commissionato dall’Ue e condotto da "Global Initiative against transnational organized crime" con l’unico mezzo per ora disponibile, le testimonianze dei migranti arrivati in Europa.

I sequestratori, ci hanno più volte confermato i rifugiati di Eritrea democratica contattati per primi dai connazionali prigionieri, li hanno comperati dal trafficante eritreo Abuselam "Ferensawi", il francese, uno dei maggiori mercanti di carne umana in Libia oggi sparito probabilmente in Qatar per godersi i proventi dei suoi crimini. Bani Walid, in base alle testimonianze raccolte anche dall’avvocato italiano stanziato a Londra Giulia Tranchina, è un grande serbatoio di carne umana proveniente da ogni parte dell’Africa, dove i prigionieri vengono separati per nazionalità. Il prezzo del riscatto varia per provenienza e sta salendo in vista del conflitto. Gli africani del Corno valgono di più per i trafficanti perché somali ed eritrei hanno spesso parenti in occidente che sentono molto i vincoli familiari e pagano. Tre mesi fa, i prigionieri eritrei valevano 10mila dollari, oggi 2.500 dollari in più perché alla borsa della morte la quotazione di chi fugge e viene catturato o di chi prolunga la permanenza per insolvenza e viene più volte rivenduto, sale. Il pagamento va effettuato via money transfer in Sudan o in Egitto.

Dunque quello che accade in questo bazar di esseri umani è noto alle autorità libiche, ai governi europei e all’Unhcr. Ma nessuno può o vuole fare niente. Secondo le testimonianze di alcuni prigionieri addirittura i poliziotti libici in divisa entrano in alcune costruzioni a comprare detenuti africani per farli lavorare nei campi o nei cantieri come schiavi.
«Le otto ragazze che sono con noi – prosegue il messaggio inviato dall’inferno da uno dei 60 prigionieri eritrei – vengono picchiate e violentate. Noi non usciamo per lavorare. I carcerieri sono tre e sono libici. Il capo si chiama Hamza, l’altro si chiama Ashetaol e del terzo conosciamo solo il soprannome: Satana». Da altre testimonianze risulta che il boia sia in realtà egiziano e abbia anche un altro nome, Abdellah. Avrebbe assassinato molti detenuti.

Ma anche nei centri di detenzione pubblici in Libia, la situazione resta perlomeno difficile. Persino nel centro Gdf di Tripoli dell’Acnur per i migranti in fase di ricollocamento gestito dal Ministero dell’Interno libico e dal partner LibAid dove i migranti lasciati liberi da altri centri per le strade della capitale libica a dicembre hanno provato invano a chiedere cibo e rifugio. Il 31 dicembre l’Associated Press ha denunciato con un’inchiesta che almeno sette milioni di euro stanziati dall’Ue per la sicurezza, sono stati intascati dal capo di una milizia e vice direttore del dipartimento libico per il contrasto all’immigrazione. Si tratta di Mohammed Kachlaf, boss del famigerato Abd Al-Rahman Al-Milad detto Bija, che avrebbe accompagnato in Italia nel viaggio documentato da Nello Scavo su Avvenire. È finito sulla lista nera dei trafficanti del consiglio di sicurezza Onu che in effetti gli ha congelato i conti.

Ma non è servito a nulla. L’agenzia ha scoperto che metà dei dipendenti di LibAid sono prestanome a libro paga delle milizie e dei 50 dinari (35 dollari) al giorno stanziati dall’Unhcr per forniture di cibo a ciascun migrante, ne venivano spesi solamente 2 dinari mentre i pasti cucinati venìvano redistribuiti tra le guardie o immessi nel mercato nero. Secondo l’inchiesta i danari inoltre venivano erogati a società di subappalto libiche gestite dai miliziani con conti correnti in Tunisia, dove venivano cambiati in valuta locale e riciclati. Una email interna dell’agenzia delle Nazioni Unite rivela come tutti ne fossero al corrente, ma non potessero intervenire. L’Acnur ha detto di aver eliminato dal primo gennaio il sistema dei subappalti.

© RIPRODUZIONE RISERVATA

Δευτέρα 3 Φεβρουαρίου 2020

Congo: gli schiavi bambini nell’inferno del cobalto per far batterie di cellulari e auto elettriche



bdtorino.eu 
Nel vigneto ortodosso africano 
 
Congo, bimbi morti e paralizzati nelle miniere di cobalto: class action contro i giganti del digitale. “Rispondano delle vittime”. 
 
La storia dell’uomo ci tramanda che ogni qualvolta una novità tecnica si affaccia con le credenziali di un’invenzione che renderà il futuro migliore, si assiste a una accelerazione dello sviluppo convogliato sui pregi della novità, incurante dei difetti.

Così è stato per l’energia del carbone, per l’avvento del petrolio e dei motori a combustione interna, per l’amianto, per l’energia nucleare, per l’abuso della plastica… Oggi ne contiamo le conseguenze inquinanti, ma già si sta diffondendo la frenetica esaltazione per la soluzione finale, per il motore elettrico, silenzioso e non più inquinante. Sarà così?

Le batterie al litio sono sempre più richieste per dispositivi elettronici e dal nascente mercato delle auto elettriche. Il litio, metallo alcalino lievemente tossico, è molto diffuso in natura; in modo concentrato ed estraibile si trova soprattutto in Sudamerica, ma un altro materiale è necessario agli accumulatori per restituire l'ipotetica energia pulita.


Il cobalto (Co) elemento di numero atomico 27, è un metallo duro simile all’argento, essenziale per la fabbricazione delle batterie al litio. In polvere è molto infiammabile; è lievemente tossico e altrettanto radioattivo, può essere arricchito e usato anche per armamenti nucleari. Non è un materiale che si trova allo stato puro, ma è un sottoprodotto del rame e del nichel. Nell’arco degli ultimi cinque anni, la sua domanda è triplicata e si prevede che entro questo 2020 subirà un ulteriore raddoppio, proprio a causa della richiesta dall’aumento di auto elettriche.

Oltre il 70% del cobalto mondiale, così come il coltan (mix di ossidi ferrosi usati per acciai speciali & mini condensatori elettronici) si trovano nella Repubblica democratica del Congo e nello Zambia, e la maggioranza delle miniere sono sfruttate da multinazionali straniere. Qui, gran parte del lavoro di estrazione, che avviene in totale distruzione dell’ambiente, sempre più oggetto di corruzione politica, viene eseguita quasi del tutto manualmente attraverso un indiscriminato sfruttamento del lavoro minorile.
 

Da una indagine di Amnesty International che risale già a ben quattro anni addietro, nelle strette gallerie e nei cunicoli vengono introdotti bambini di 6-8 anni. Spesso le famiglie sono minacciate e picchiate da un caporalato bestiale, affinché forniscano l’agile manodopera.

Nell’attuale contesto, nonostante tentativi di una revisione dello sfruttamento, diverse multinazionali hanno potuto beneficiare dei ricavi prodotti dalla ricchezza del sottosuolo congolese. Industrie come Glencore, CDM, Randgold, China Molybdenum e altre hanno indirizzato le loro attività nella Repubblica del Congo. Solo, gli svizzeri di Glencore ne ricavano ben il 35% dell’intera produzione mondiale. Nel frattempo, molte altre industrie hanno aperto stabilimenti in prossimità dei siti estrattivi (da Volkswagen ad Apple, da Microsoft a Huawei) assicurandosi così una fetta cospicua della torta mineraria congolese.

Secondo dossier redatti da International Right Advocates (associazione di legali per i diritti umani con sede a Washington), in Congo moltissimi bambini lavorano illegalmente nelle miniere della Glencore, che vende il cobalto a Umicore, un trader basato a Bruxelles, che a sua volta vende il minerale lavorato a Google, Tesla, Microsoft e Dell. Altre miniere sono di proprietà di Zhejiang Huayou Cobalt, azienda cinese che anch’essa fornisce le multinazionali affamate di batterie, da Microsoft ad Apple. 


In queste miniere, in grande espansione per soddisfare la richiesta dei nostri sofisticati giocattoli occidentali e delle nuove automobili ibride e “pulite”, è cosa normale che i minori, sfruttati senza alcuna tutela, rimangano intossicati o peggio, paralizzati o uccisi in seguito a drammatici incidenti causati dalle pesanti condizioni di lavoro a cui sono assoggettati i minori.


Quattordici famiglie congolesi appoggiate da IRAdvocates hanno fatto causa a Apple, Google, Dell, Microsoft e Tesla: chiedono i danni per lavoro forzato e compensazioni per arricchimento illecito, vigilanza negligente e inflizione intenzionale di sofferenza emotiva e fisica. Secondo IRAdvoctes le multinazionali del digitale avevano piena conoscenza del tipo di forza lavoro e delle disumane condizioni a cui era sottoposta per estrarre il cobalto necessario ai propri aggeggi tecnologici.


Non essendo intervenuti per umanizzare il lavoro nelle miniere di cobalto, rende questi colossi complici dello sfruttamento minorile, e in un certo qual modo, nel momento in cui non si ignorano più questi fatti, in parte lo siamo anche noi, viziati fruitori di giocose illusioni, di tecnologia, di presunto progresso e occidentale superiorità. Ogni disinteresse nei confronti di questa realtà, è un’ipotetica complicità alla morte o al ferimento dei piccoli operai che lavorano più di 10 ore per 2 dollari al giorno.

Chi ne scrive, con l’andar della indagine, ne è rimasto molto colpito e ha imparato qualcosa che ritiene importante condividere con il lettore attento a certe distorsioni di questo nostro mondo bifronte, dove spesso, ad ogni operazione tecno economica, corrisponde una ignobile prevaricazione uguale e contraria. Se riteniamo che la batteria del nostro abusato iPhone sia durata troppo poco e sia già ora di cambiarla, pensiamo alla sua storia e alla nostra bella vita.

immagini di repertorio

https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2019/12/17/congo-bimbi-morti-e-rimasti-paralizzati-nelle-miniere-di-cobalto-class-action-contro-i-giganti-del-digitale-r ispondano-delle-vittime/5622684/

https://aspeniaonline.it/congo-miniere-di-cobalto-e-grandi-interessi-internazionali/

https://www.interris.it/archivio-storico/baby-schiavi-in-congo-le-colpe-delloccidente

http://www.lariscossa.com/2018/10/15/a-chi-appartiene-lafrica/

https://www.repubblica.it/solidarieta/diritti-umani/2016/01/27/news/miniere_di_cobalto-132142114/

Παρασκευή 20 Σεπτεμβρίου 2019

The most important topics of the Holy Synod of the Patriarchate of Alexandria, from October 7 to October 10 2019



Byzantine, TX

(Romfea) - The Alexandrian Church’s position on modern forms of slavery and on the struggle of refugees -migrants for a better life, dealing with the issue of sorcery in the African countries, applications of modern technology on the African continent today, the clergy fund, as well as ecological issues and the use of the media in the missionary work, are the most important topics to be addressed by the proceedings of the Holy Synod of the Patriarchate of Alexandria, which meets in Alexandria, from October 7 to October 10, chaired by the Patriarch Theodore II of Alexandria and All Africa.

The highlight of the meeting will be the celebration of the Patriarchal and Synodical Divine Liturgy, attended by all the priests of the Throne, and in the presence of Greek, Cypriot and Egyptian officials, at the Monastery of St. Savvas in Alexandria, on October 9, in the same place where exactly 15 years ago, the Patriarch of Alexandria, Theodore of Zimbabwe, was unanimously elected.

In total, nine presentations, the activities of the local Metropolises of the African continent, as well as issues that may be of concern to the provinces of the Alexandrian Church will be presented during the meeting by the metropolitans and bishops of the Alexandrian Church.  


Τρίτη 18 Δεκεμβρίου 2018

Moderne Sklaverei existiert!


Auch heute ist Sklaverei noch weltweit verbreitet – und sie betrifft uns alle.


 
Sklaverei ist offiziell seit mehr als 150 Jahren weltweit abgeschafft – leider jedoch nur auf dem Papier. Zwangsarbeit, Zwangsprostitution, Politische Gefangenschaften, Kinderarbeit, Rekrutierung von Kindersoldaten sind Formen sogenannter moderner Sklaverei (Planet Wissen).

Schätzungsweise sind mehr als 40 Millionen Menschen weltweit von moderner Sklaverei betroffen (Global Slavery Index 2016), davon sind allein ca. 21 Millionen Menschen Opfer von Zwangsarbeit (ILO).

Auch in Europa und Deutschland arbeiten viele Tausende Menschen unter sklavereiähnlichen Bedingungen.



Moderne Sklaverei degradiert Menschen. Ihr Leben, ihre Gesundheit, ihre Gefühle und ihre Würde zählen NICHTS.

Wie werden Menschen Opfer moderner Sklaverei?

Besonders gefährdet sind Menschen in ungeschützten Situationen und extremer Not. Dazu gehören Menschen, die auf der Flucht sind und/oder in extremer Armut leben. Auch Menschen, die keine Perspektive haben – weil sie beispielsweise in instabilen politischen Verhältnissen leben oder keinerlei Zugang zu Bildung und Chancen auf einen regulären Job haben – sind besonders gefährdet. Die Rekrutierung für Arbeit unter menschenunwürdigen Bedingungen erfolgt oft bewusst in solchen Regionen und Situationen – so zum Beispiel unter den illegalisierten Flüchtlingen innerhalb Europas. Auch verlagern Unternehmen aus Kostengründen ihre Produktionen in solche Gebiete.
Informieren Sie sich über die verschiedenen Arten der modernen Sklaverei

Zwangsarbeit steckt hinter vielen Alltags-Produkten

Für jeden von uns arbeiten durchschnittlich 60 Sklav*innen.

Viele Menschen hierzulande sind sich nicht darüber bewusst, unter welchen Bedingungen Produkte unseren alltäglichen Konsums (wie z.B. Kakao) hergestellt werden – und welch hohen Preis Menschen in Afrika oft für unsere billige Schokolade zahlen. Unser Lebensstil und Konsumverhalten ist mitverantwortlich für die Existenz und den Fortbestand von Lohndumping und Zwangsarbeitsverhältnissen. Insbesondere betrifft das die Arbeitenden am Anfang der Lieferketten, also bei der Gewinnung der Rohstoffe. Viele dieser Rohstoffe, die wir für unsere Produkte benötigen (zum Beispiel Kakao für Schokolade) werden aus afrikanischen Ländern importiert – am besten so billig wie möglich. Denn wer möchte schon teure Schokolade kaufen? Andere Menschen werden ausgebeutet, damit wir hier möglichst billig unsere Bedürfnisse befriedigen können.

Auch möchten wir als Verbraucher*in zu jeder Jahreszeit jegliches Gemüse und Obst in unseren zahlreichen Supermärkten vorfinden können. Selbst in der Erntesaison werden oftmals Importe anstatt Produkte aus dem regionalen Anbau angeboten. Produkte aus dem Ausland sind im Vergleich oft billiger, als die regional produzierten. Dabei achtet kaum jemand darauf, zu welchen Bedingungen diese Produkte im Ausland produziert werden. Denn Obst und Gemüse, das in Supermärkten billig verkauft wird, wird an anderen Stellen teuer bezahlt – es muss schließlich noch billiger produziert werden, damit das Geschäft sich lohnt. In den Ernteregionen, beispielsweise Spanien oder Italien, sind es zumeist die Arbeiter*innen, die ausgebeutet werden.

Alleine in der Provinz Almeria in Südspanien arbeiten bis zu 120.000 Menschen und produzieren knapp drei Millionen Tonnen Obst und Gemüse für den Export. Zu den Exportschlagern gehören Gurken, Paprika, Tomaten, Melonen und Orangen. Deutschland ist beispielsweise der wichtigste Abnehmer spanischer Tomaten in den Monaten Dezember bis April.
Jährlich werden Produkte im Wert von mehr als vier Milliarden Euro ins Ausland verkauft. In Südspanien leben die meisten Menschen somit von der Landwirtschaft. Die Erntehelfer*innen werden zumeist als Gelegenheitsarbeiter*innen durch selbsternannte Arbeitsvermittler eingestellt. Diese betrügen die Arbeiter*innen routinemäßig. Insbesondere illegalisierte Migranten und Flüchtlinge geraten leicht in die Fänge dieser Vermittler, da sie keine Möglichkeit haben, an reguläre Jobs zu kommen aber natürlich dringend auf ein eigenes Einkommen angewiesen sind. So arbeiten die meisten Erntehelfer für zwei bis vier Monaten und bekommen teilweise keinen Lohn oder werden frühzeitig entlassen, wenn sie zu erschöpft wirken und keine volle Leistung mehr erbringen können. Auch ist es die Regel, dass Agenturen weniger Tage angeben, als die Erntehelfer*innen eigentlich gearbeitet haben. Verzweifelte Menschen aus Marokko, Senegal oder Mali müssen als Erntehelfer*innen unter Folie arbeiten und unentgeltliche Überstunden leisten – bei Temperaturen von bis zu 50 Grad Celsius. Halten sie das nicht durch, verlieren sie ihren Job uns stehen wieder vor dem Nichts.

Nicht nur Gemüse und Obst sind Konsumgüter, die oftmals unter menschenunwürdigen Bedingungen produziert werden. Weitere Beispiele sind:
Blumen aus Kenia
Kakao aus Ghana
Metalle/seltene Erde für Elektrogeräte aus der DR Kongo
Obst und Gemüse aus Südeuropa
Billig-Fleisch aus Deutschland
Edelminerale und -metalle für Schmuck aus Minen in Konfliktgebieten

Innerhalb der EU ist es gesetzlich verboten, dass Pflücker*innen dort arbeiten, wo Pestizide versprüht werden – doch auch daran wird sich nicht gehalten. Oftmals werden sogar Chemikalien gesprüht, während die Arbeiter*innen pflücken. So klagen zahlreiche Arbeiter*innen darüber, dass sie krank wurden, nachdem sie auf pestizidbelasteten Feldern gearbeitet haben.

Nicht nur die Arbeitsbedingungen sind mehr als nur prekär – gleiches gilt zumeist auch für die Lebensbedingungen. Ein Großteil der Arbeiter*innen lebt im Niemandsland, weit weg von Ortschaften, ohne Zugang zu Strom und Wasser. Zumeist müssen diese in Elendsghettos zwischen den Plantagen hausen – in einem Plastik-Labyrinth, dessen Sicherheitstore gegen Abend geschlossen und die dort lebenden Menschen quasi eingesperrt werden.
Wie viele Sklaven arbeiten für Sie?



Im Durchschnitt arbeiten rund 60 Sklaven*innen für einen Konsumenten (Evi Hartmann, Professorin für „Supply Chain Management“ an der Uni Erlangen-Nürnberg). Wenn Sie wissen möchten, wie viele Sklav*innen für Sie arbeiten, können Sie das hier über den Slavery-Footprint der Organisation Made in a Free World ausrechnen: slaveryfootprint.org/. Anhand von elf Fragen zu den eigenen Konsumgewohnheiten wird berechnet, wie viele Menschen für Ihren Lebensstil arbeiten müssen. Das Ergebnis berechnet sich so: Die Organisation recherchierte hunderte Produktionswege von alltäglichen Gebrauchsgegenständen – so konnte jedem Produkt eine bestimmte Anzahl an Sklaven zugewiesen werden, die an der Herstellung des jeweiligen Produktes beteiligt sind.

Was können wir gegen die moderne Sklaverei tun?

Hinter günstigen Preisen verbergen sich oft Ausbeutungsprozesse von Männern, Frauen und Kindern in prekären Lebenssituationen. Um Menschen vor moderner Sklaverei und Ausbeutung zu schützen, können Sie mit kleinen Schritten im Alltag einen Unterschied machen.

Hier haben wir einige Möglichkeiten für Sie zusammengefasst und erklären, was GEMEINSAM FÜR AFRIKA gegen moderne Sklaverei tut. 



©CC0/Isaac Fryxelius

 

Opfer moderner Sklaverei – Die Stimmen Betroffener

Lisha, 22, aus Nigeria


Gideon, 16 Jahre, aus Ghana


Yvan Sagnet aus Kamerun


Falinga, 13 Jahre, aus Togo


Mustapha Sallah, 26 Jahre, aus Gambia

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Παρασκευή 5 Οκτωβρίου 2018

Le prix Nobel de la paix est attribué à Denis Mukwege et Nadia Murad (2018)

2018 Nobel peace prize goes to campaigners against sexual violence - Gynaecologist Denis Mukwege and Yazidi campaigner Nadia Murad are jointly awarded



Two leaders of the struggle against sexual violence in war have won this year’s [2018] Nobel peace prize. Denis Mukwege, a doctor in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has spent decades caring for victims of sexual assault in his homeland. Yazidi activist Nadia Murad has used her own story of enslavement and rape by Islamic State to draw attention to human rights abuses. 
Nobel peace prize joint winner Nadia Murad's powerful 2016 speech to the UN – video 
Nobel peace prize joint winner Denis Mukwege on finding hope in the horror of war – archive video



Τρίτη 4 Σεπτεμβρίου 2018

OLD PROBLEMS IN THE NEW WORLD: A Forum on Modern Slavery in the Ecumenical Patriarchate


Ecumenical Patriarchate (the title from here)
  1. We, Bartholomew, Archbishop of Constantinople-New Rome and Ecumenical Patriarch, and Justin, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of All England, co-sponsored a special international Forum on Modern Slavery titled “Sins Before Our Eyes” at the Phanar from February 6-7, 2017. The Forum, originally proposed during the official visit by the Ecumenical Patriarch to Lambeth Palace in November 2015, was a high-level gathering of distinguished scholars, practitioners and policymakers from around the world, invited to discuss the contemporary problem of human exploitation. The Forum also takes place within the context of 2017: The Year of the Sanctity of Childhood, as declared by the Ecumenical Patriarchate.
  2. For religious communities worldwide and for the global human-rights community, the protection of human dignity and fundamental human rights is of utmost importance. The role of the Church in the world is “to preach good news to the poor, to bind up the brokenhearted, to proclaim release to the captives and to set at liberty the oppressed.” (Isaiah 61.1, Luke 4.18) This was clearly articulated in the final Encyclical of the Holy and Great Council of the Orthodox Church (Crete, June 2016): “The Church lives not for herself. She offers herself for the whole of humanity in order to raise up and renew the world into a new heaven and a new earth.”
  3. We are convinced that there is an intimate and inseparable link between preserving God’s natural creation and protecting God’s image in every human being, especially those most vulnerable to the myriad forms of human exploitation that comprise the sin of modern slavery. The same arrogance and greed are to blame for the oppression and exploitation of innocent victims – most often children and women – of human trafficking, human smuggling, prostitution, the sale of human organs, indentured labor, and the many other dimensions of modern slavery. Each and every person bears the burden and pays the price for the fact that there are more people in slavery today than at any other time in history.
  4. In his keynote address, the Ecumenical Patriarch observed: “The Orthodox Church is often accused of neglecting the world for the sake of liturgical worship and spiritual life, turning primarily toward the Kingdom of God to come, disregarding challenges of the present. In fact, however, whatever the Church says, whatever the Church does, is done in the Name of God and for the sake of human dignity and the eternal destiny of the human being. It is impossible for the Church to close its eyes to evil, to be indifferent to the cry of the needy, oppressed and exploited. True Faith is a source of permanent struggle against the powers of inhumanity.” In his opening address, Archbishop Welby emphasized: “Slavery is all around us, but we are too blind to see it. It is in our hands, and yet we are too insensitive to touch it. The enslaved are next to us in the streets, but we are too ignorant to walk alongside them. It must not be relegated to a footnote in history. It is still a living reality in all of our communities, as I have seen from personal experience in the United Kingdom, not because we think it is acceptable, but because our sin lies in blindness and ignorance.”
  5. Therefore,
    1. We condemn all forms of human enslavement as the most heinous of sins, inasmuch as it violates the free will and the integrity of every human being created in the image of God.
    2. We commend the efforts of the international community and endorse the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children.
    3. We pray that all victims of modern slavery may be liberated in order to rebuild their lives and that the perpetrators may be brought to justice.
    4. We repent for not doing nearly enough swiftly enough to curb the plague of modern slavery, acknowledging that our ignorance and indifference are the worst forms of tolerance and complicity. We are judged each day by what we refuse to see and fail to do for the most vulnerable among us.
    5. We appeal to local and national governments to pass and implement strict laws against modern slavery, with a budget and capability to ensure organizations are held to account for modern slavery in their supply chains, while also allocating resources and services for trafficking victims, who are exposed to and endangered by such injustice.
    6. We encourage our leaders to find appropriate and effective ways of prosecuting those involved in human trafficking, preventing all forms of modern slavery, and protecting its victims in our communities and promoting hope wherever people are exploited.
    7. We urge our faithful and communities – the members of the Orthodox Church and the Church of England – as well as all people of good will to become educated, raise awareness, and take action with regard to these tragedies of modern slavery, and to commit themselves to working and praying actively towards the eradication of this scourge against humanity.
    8. We commit to the establishment of a joint taskforce for modern slavery to bring forward timely recommendations as to how the Orthodox Church and the Church of England can collaborate in the battle against this cruel exploitation.
At the Phanar, February 7, 2017

✠ BARTHOLOMEW
Archbishop of Constantinople-New Rome
and Ecumenical Patriarch
✠ JUSTIN
Archbishop of Canterbury
and Primate of All England