From the North.
The subjoined summary is made up from late Northern papers received at this office ;
Negro equality in Chicago — a negro Ejected from an omnibus — Intense excitement in consequence.
A Chicago paper gives the following account of a row which recently occurred in that city, at the bottom of which is to be found the everlasting negro;The doctrine of negro equality was practically illustrated in this city, by an affair which happened at the corner of Clark and Randolph streets, yesterday forenoon. Two negroes, laboring under the impression that the good time of equality had really come, entered one of the Clark street omnibuses, standing at the locality mentioned, and took seats for a ride up town. One of the darkeys was smoking a cheap cigar, while the other was guffawing Lindly at his own coarse jokes, which were not of the most refined sort. Two ladies were the other occupants of the omnibus, and these sat in the front of the vehicle, waiting for its departure.
The shades, however, continued smoking and grinning, until one of the women, annoyed by the smoke and disagreeable odor of the cigar. complained of the nuisance to the driver, Richard Kelly. The latter immediately opened the door, and, stating the causes of the lady's complaint, mildly requested the negroes to leave the omnibus. One of the shades very properly complied with the request, but the other, indignantly remarking that he had ‘"as many rights as any one,"’ utterly refused. The driver reported his request, adding that smoking in the omnibus was prohibited, and intimating that, unless his orders was obeyed he should proceed to eject the negro. The latter, however, was firm in his refusal, and insolent, too, for he not only reiterated his assertion about his rights, but also took the liberty of telling the driver that he might ‘"be d — d."’ This last remark provoked the rage of Kelly, who, without further ado, entered the 'bas and collared the impertinent darkey. Not only collared him, but prepared to eject him from the vehicle, and, upon meeting with resistance, administered two or three fist blows upon the nigger's face, which latter had the effect of entirely cowing his insubordination, and causing a summary departure. The time of starting of the omnibus had now arrived, and the driver, having mounted his box, drove away.
Meanwhile a crowd had been gathering on the corner, blocking up the street and walk, and causing considerable noise and confusion. The negro was howling with rage, and was indulging in all manner of curses and imprecations on the head of the driver, from whom he had received so undesirable a worsting. Yet in all that crowd he found little sympathy, until Sheriff Anthony C. Hesing, of Cook county, had arrived and inquired into the row. It is usually considered the duty of the constabulary force to preserve order, to quell riots, and disperse crowds or mobs, but Sheriff Anthony C. Hesing had this time a different idea of his responsibilities. Without taking any measure to restore the peace of the neighbor-hood he at once consulted the darkey, examined his injuries, and then prepared to act. Another omnibus had taken up its position at the corner, and into this he bade the darkey go. Then, taking two other niggers, he disposed of them in the same manner, while he himself entered the omnibus, and, remarking, ‘"I make no distinction between a negro and a white man,"’ took a scat by the side of his Ethiopian freight. The crowd was still increasing, and the confusion had reached its almost, when the omnibus started up the street. The majority of the crowd favored the driver, and it was easy to see that ‘"negro equality"’ was decidedly at a discount.
Sheriff Hesing, with his three black companions, proceeded as far up as the Southern battle yards, when the omnibus was halted and the four got out. At this place Hesing took his negroes into a saloon and treated them to whiskey and ale. This proceeding attracted a crowd, the Sheriff meanwhile protecting the darkeys from violence. After spending several minutes in this vicinity, the party started down Clark street, and belted at Liberty street. In a few minutes the first omnibus, driven by a new driver, approached, having made its trip, and being now on its return to the stand at the corner of Clark and Randolph streets, the Sheriff signaled the driver to stop, which had the desired effect, and the omnibus was halted. Hesing having ordered the negroes to enter, got in himself, and made the driver proceed. The driver was not disposed to obey, and told the Sheriff that he ‘#x34;didn't propose to drive that crowd."’
The order was repeated, but the driver again refused to drive unless the negroes got out. --The Sheriff grew excited, and became more and more peremptory, but each time met with a decided refusal. The stoppage of the omnibus and the angry conversation between Hesing and the driver had now gathered a crowd of men, some of whom comprehended the origin of the difficulty and were quite willing to sustain the driver against the niggers and their companion, Hesing. The latter, fearing, doubt less, the gathering of a still larger crowd, and thinking it unsafe to insist on a further display of his folly, deserted his sable friends and proceeded down the street. Thereupon the crowd interfered and at once compelled the negroes to come out, which they did with prudent alacrity, taking to their heels and running away, thoroughly convinced that ‘"negro equality"’ was a humbug.
During all this time people were gathering in masses at the corner of Clark and Randolph streets, bent on venting their anger on the darkeys and the Sheriff in case they should again make their appearance. It is fortunate for all that the Sheriff did not crown with success his scheme to bring the darkeys down the street to the omnibus, as a triumph over the driver, else there might have been a row equal in dimensions to the never-to-be-forgotten riots of two or three years since. There was certainly indignation enough at the insolent conduct of the darkey to have broken out in acts of violence, had he again appeared in the omnibus. Indeed, during the course of the afternoon, there were several fights in different parts of the city, in all of which negroes were the prominent actors and sufferers. The affair became a fertile and almost universal topic of conversation throughout the city, and it was some time even before the excitement of the even had subsided.
The negro who caused the row is a porter for M. O. Walker, on Dearborn street. After Hesing, the Sheriff, had reached the Court-House, he caused a warrant to be issued for the arrest of Kelly, the driver, but up to the present writing the latter has not been taken into custody.
A more Vindictive war demanded.
The Northern papers are getting tremulous about the prospect of a ‘"thirty years war, "’ and demand that the rebellion shall be crushed out in ‘"the remaining months of the present year."’The Philadelphia Inquirer says:
‘ Is it to be lingering, fruitless and exhausting, or short, decisive and triumphant to the national arms? These are questions which not only press upon the Executive, but which come home with emphatic force to the business and bosoms of all the people. And the Executive and the people must awake and act upon their stern reality. The whole theory of the war must be changed. We have been reminded that in dealing with the rebels we were dealing with our ‘"misguided brethren,"’ and under a noble but delusive impulse, we have been gentle, tender, forbearing and forgiving, even to the verge of romance. Our ‘"misguided brethren"’ have indulged in no such sentiment. They regard us only as foes, enemies, oppressors, invaders, Hessians, Vandale, and they strike at all Union men, not alone with the true energy of war, but with the malignity which inspires the above opprobrious names. We must, therefore, cease to treat them with the tenderness of brethren. --Our kindness is wasted, our generosity thrown away, our forbearance contained. Whaton destroyers of peace and prosperity of their country; treacherous assailants and armed foes of a Government against which they have no just complaint; enemies of the best interests of mankind, here and everywhere throughout the world; they must be held and pursued as such, and be punished with a severity commensurate with the magnitude and wantonness of their crimes. We must have bold and decisive councils in the Cabinet, followed by prompt action; we must have rapid movements in the field, and swift, hard, stunning blows struck at the enemy wherever found. We must take risks. insurgents, rebels, traitor, passive as well as active, must be made to know and feel the difference between loyalty and treason.
’ Heretofore our policy in the enemy's country has been a premium to rebellion. Pains and penalties, privation and loss, have been the lot of the Union people alone; gain, advantage, security, impunity, have been the fortune of none but rebels. When their troops occupy a tract of country all men who are not open and avowed Secessionists are hounded from their homes, robbed of their crops, provisions, cattle, cast into prison, or forced to serve in their battailous. When our armies occupy that same country we make no difference between loyal men and traitors. We pay the roble as full prices and as good money as we give the Union man. We carefully protect his forfeited property, and are scrupulously tender of his Confederate conscience. He, therefore, is safe under all circumstances. It is only the Union man who suffers. Is its then, wonderful that we find no more loyal people as our armies advance? Should we be astonished at the apparent perfect unanimity which prevails in the South? Can we be surprised that the rebels are always surrounded by friends while our lines are constantly infested by spies? By our past policy the inhabitants of the seceded States have everything to gain by being rebels and everything to dear and lose by adhering faithfully to the Union.
All this — unless we would have the rebellion flourish until we are impoverished, bankrupt and exhausted — all this must be radically changed. As we have remarked, we must have such action as will make the rebel insurgents and traitors — passive as well as active-- know and feel the difference between loyalty and treason. This policy must come from the Executive. Better from him, upon whom the people a true patriot than from a the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, as a legitimate exercise of war power, than from the agitators in Congress or elsewhere. When this policy is laid down by the Executive it must be enforced. There should be no faltering in its execution, and no more paltering in a double sense between ourselves or with the foe. Rigid obedience should be everywhere exacted. If a Cabinet Minister is hostile he must be removed. If a General is contumacious he must be deprived of his command.--The crisis demands not only a severe policy and vigorous action, but unfaltering obedience and hearty co-operation in all departments and arms of the Government. And the people — all the people — must see the vital necessity of giving a cordial and unanimous support to the execution of such a policy, if we would have the war brought promptly to a close.
The New York Tribune fully agrees in these views of ‘"a fierce and short war,"’ but don't think anything can be accomplished until the slaves shall be liberated. It seems to overlook the fact that the Federal troops can't get at the ‘"four millions"’ to liberate them. It says:
‘ The rebellion will endure in the South until the extinction of its parent and source, slavery. And so long as the four millions of slaves shall grow the food, weave the homespun cloth, dig the trenches, and carry the baggage of the rebels, enabling Jeff. Davis, by his inexorable conscription, to sweep the whole able-bodied male white population of the South into his armies, it will be very difficult even to overrun the South. We do not say it cannot be done; we do say it will not stay done. Gen. Curtis's army has triumphantly held and traversed North Arkansas for the last six months--to what purpose? The waters open before and close behind him; and we doubt that the rebellion has one less soldier in the field than if he had never entered the State. Had he been authorized to put an and to slavery wherever he marched, it would have been very different. The robust slaves would have vanished in his track, and the whites now in the rebel armies must have been called home to grow food for their families or left them to starve.
All this is so plain that we presume every man who is at once as loyal and as clear-sighted as Judge Holt must perceive if. Prejudice, interest, habit, party abilities, cherished catch words, may blind even wise men for a season to the most obvious truths, still, they must steadily make their way. There may be still a few truly loyal men who keep up the parrot cry, ‘"Don't sacrifice the Union to the negro"’ but the larger of the original chorus have given it up. The great majority of those who still talk in that absurd way do not mean, and never did mean, that the rebellion shall be suppressed. They are not exactly disunionist — they still cherish a muddled hope that by hanging a few abolitionists, making it a crime to speak ill of slavery any where, and perhaps kicking the New England States out of the Union, they could somehow bribe or coax Jeff. Davis and his crew to resume their old seats in the Cabinet and in Congress, and magnanimously forgive the pro-slavery Unionists for not receiving the seizure of the national armories, arsenals, forts, mints, sub-treasuries, &c., with due meekness, and for getting excited over the bombardment of Fort Sumter. It is in vain that Jeff. tells these creatures in every conceivable way, and with every variety of contemptuous gesture, that he loaths and spurns them — that their abasement only increases his scorn — that he and his will never, never be reconciled to the Union under any circumstances — they are so accustomed to be kicked by the Slave Power that they fairly covet the exercise, and cannot comprehend his avowals of detestation as other than a playful way he hits of asserting his conceded superiority. He may kick them till doomsday without kicking the inborn servility out of them.
For our own part, we have long been unable to see how the Union and its deadly foe, Slavery, could both be conserved. It has seemed so plain to us that one or the other must be thrown in their death grapple, that we have been willing to wait, through suffering and disaster, for other Unionists to reach the same conclusion. The President has waited for the Border States; the nation has waited perforce for the President. When Border-State patriots like Judge Holt shall be ready to say decisively, ‘"Save the nation, though Slavery perish," ’ the aspects of the struggle will be radically changed. We only outeat that they do not hesitate too long, and that, when the Government does speak, it shall so clearly express itself as to leave no slave of a Rebel in doubt that, by openly adhering to and serving the Republic, he will earn its protection and secure his own freedom.
’
General Twiggs's swords returned by Gen, Butler.
Gen. Butler has sent to Lincoln the following characteristic letter, giving the history of the seizure of the swords of Gen. Twiggs:
Headq'rs, Departm't of the Gulf, New Orleans, July 1, 1862.
To the President:
Sir
--I have the honor to send you with this note three swords, with the equipments, formerly belonging to David E. Twiggs, late General in the army of the United States.
They are all presentation swords; one given him by resolution of Congress, which bears the following legend:
To the President:
Sir
‘ "Presented by the President of the United States, agreeable to a resolution of Congress, to Brigadier General David E Twiggs, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of his gallantry and good conduct in storming Monterey.
’ ‘"Resolution approved March 2, 1817."’
Another was presented by the State of Georgia, and bears the following legend and inscription:
‘ "Constitution.--The State of Georgia to Major General David E Twiggs, United States Army, as a tribute to his gallantry in Mexico, 1817, Palo Alto, Resaca de in Palma, Monterey, Yera Cruz. Cerro Gordo, Chepulispec, Molinodel Rey, Mexico. "
’ The third was presented by his native city, Augusta, Georgia, and has the following legend:
‘ "Texas--8th and 9th of May, 1816
"Monterey. Vera Cruz, Cerro Gorod.
‘"To General David E. Twiggs, from the city of Augusta, Georgia."’
’ General Twiggs left these swords with a young woman, on the evening before he fled from New Orleans, and in his flight on the day of the approach of the fleet he wrote, in his carriage, while en route, this extraordinary paper:
‘ " I leave my swords to Miss.--and box of silver. D. E. Twiggs.
"Now Orleans,April 25, 1862."
This paper was claimed us a deed of gift of these very valuable weapons by the young woman named; but as she had neglected to inform her father of this singular donation-- cause fata.--and as the girl's mother caused them to be given to a negro, to be sent back to General Twiggs's house, I ventured to interferes with this testamentary disposition. A more lamentable instance of the degradation to which this rebellion has reduced its votaries can hardly be imagined Swords given to a General for courage and good conduct in the armies of the Union--takens of admiration by his fellow citizens, and of the gratitude of a State and the nation — voluntarily bequeathed for safe keeping to a woman, as a more proper custodian than himself, by that same General, when, flying at the approach of the armies of that country which he had renounced and betrayed, at last find a depository with a negro, for the sake of enslaving whose arco the double crime of treachery and rebellion has been consummated.
Now that the weapon given by the United States is returned to the Executive, and the others placed at his disposal, might I take leave to suggest a proper disposition of them? Might not the first be presented to some officer as a taken of appreciation of loyalty and devotion to the country? The qualities of courage and good conduct in the battle-field have never been found wanting in our arming but loyalty and entire devotion to the country we failed in so many examples, of which Twiggs is a shining one, that some respect for those qualities bestowed manner might not he inappropriate.
The sword from the State of Georgia be deposited in the library at West- Point, with an appropriate inscription, as a perpetual memento to the youth there how worse than useless are all education and military training, even when allied to gallantry and courage, if heartfelt patriotism and undying fealty to the Constitution and the flag are wanting.
That given by the city of Augusta might be deposited in the Patent Office, as a warning against the folly and declasses of such an invention as secession.
Pardon the freedom of these suggestions, and believe me, most respectfully, your ob'dt servant,
’
So Union feeling yet.
A letter from Nashville to the St. Louis Democrat gives the following account of the ‘"uprising of the love for the Union,"’ which has been experienced by the Federals there:Disguise the fact as they may there is a deep, bitter determination among the people to ‘"go South;"’ to sing Secesh song; to buy no goods of the ‘"Northmen;"’ to be let alone.--The preachers preach up and pray over the wrongs of the South; follow women and boys to pour the story of oppression into their ears; prayer to God to annihilate ‘"Lincoln's hordes,"’ and eulogize each rebel and traitor slain in battle as a patriot to the holiest of causes, as a defender of the firesides and homes of the oppressed and down trodden.
The presence alone of the strong arm of the military keeps in cheek the traitorous words and acts of a half nation of people, maddened and exasperated by their own suicidal acts verifying the old adage,
‘"Whom the gods would destroy,
They first make mad."’
Gen. Grant, and Col. Hillyer, his Aid, whit affability and urbanity, are rigidly enforcing the laws — holding men and women responsible for treason, and while under the excellent ‘"regime"’ of such officers, we may hope for a change in the sentiment and a return to loyalty from the simple dictates of reason and common sense. Yet the evidences are, that ‘"conquered against their will, they are of the same opinion still"’ "simply submitting because they cannot help it — looking, hoping, expecting, praying, for a consummation by them devoutly wished for, that the Confederates with a strong force may soon retake the city.
