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religion of state subordinate to executive power.
And
now, at about forty years of age, with self — will and the pride of rank for his counsellors, without fixed principles, without perception of political truth, he stood among the plebeians of
New Jersey and the mixed people of New York as their governor.
The royalists anticipated his arrival with the incense
of flattery; and the hospitality of the colony, which was not yet provoked to defiance, elected a house of assembly disposed to confide in the integrity of one who had been represented as a friend to Presbyterians.
The expenses of his voyage were compensated by a grant of two thousand pounds, and an annual revenue for the public service provided for a period of seven years. In April, 1703, a further grant was made of fifteen hundred pounds to fortify the Narrows, ‘and for no other use whatever.’
But should Lord Cornbury regard the limitations of a provincial assembly?
The money, by his warrant, disappeared from the treasury, while the Narrows were still defenceless; and the assembly, awakened to distrust, by addresses
to the governor and the queen, solicit a treasurer of its own appointment.
The general revenue had been fixed for a period of years; no new appropriations could be extorted; and,
heedless of menaces or solicitation, the representatives of the people asserted ‘the rights of the house.’
Lord Cornbury expressed his whole character as a statesman in his answer: ‘I know of no right that you have as an assembly, but such as the queen is pleased to allow you.’
The firmness of the assembly won its first victory;
for the queen permitted specific appropriations of incidental grants of money, and the appointment by the