Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.

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Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects.

• Conduct of Southern Representatives in Congress
-- Committee of thirty — three, 86. -- amendments to the Constitution proposed, 87. -- the “Crittenden Compromise,” 89. -- temper and wishes of the South Carolina politicians, 91. -- earlier Secession movements, 92. -- Memminger on a revolutionary mission to Virginia -- why Virginians hesitated, 94. -- power of the politicians in South Carolina, 95. -- R. Barnwell Rhett and his incendiary speech, 96. -- appeals to the passions of the people -- officers of the Army and Navy invited to resign, 97. -- a gala day in Charleston -- Secession foreordained, 98. -- assembling of the South Carolina Secession Convention, 100. -- Reassembling in Charleston, 101. -- proceedings of the Convention, 102. -- rejoicings in Charleston, 104. -- signing of the Ordinance, 106. -- Commissioners to Washington appointed, 109. -- addresses and Declaration, 109-110. -- the nationality of South Carolina proclaimed, 111. -- rejoicings because of the revolutionary Act at Charleston, 113. -- Impressions in the Free-labor States, 114. -- financial condition of the country, 115.

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Whilst Treason was rampant and defiant in the Senate Chamber, it was equally determined, but less demonstrative at first, in the hall of the House of Representatives. It first gave utterance there when Alexander R. Boteler, of Virginia, proposed, by resolution, to refer so much of the President's Message as “related to the present perilous condition of the country,” to a select committee, consisting of one from each State (thirty-three), with power to report at any time. This resolution was adopted by a vote of one hundred and forty-five to thirty-eight. During the voting, many members from the Slave-labor States exhibited their treasonable purposes, some by a few words, and all by a refusal to vote. “I do not vote,” said Singleton, of Mississippi, “because I have not been sent here to make any compromises or patch up existing difficulties. The subject will be decided by a convention of the people of my State.” Hawkins, of Florida, said:--“The day of compromise has passed. I am opposed, and so is my State, to all and every compromise. I shall not vote.” Clopton, of Alabama, considered secession as the only remedy for existing evils, and would not sanction any temporizing policy. Pugh, of Alabama, said:--“As my State intends following South Carolina out of the Union, by the 10th of January next, I pay no attention to any action taken in this body.”

No less than fifty-two members from the Slave-labor States refused to vote on this occasion. These comprised all of the South Carolina delegation, and most of those from Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Georgia. By this action, they virtually avowed their determination to thwart all legislation in the direction of compromise or conciliation. And when Mr. Morris, a Democrat from Illinois, offered a resolution,

December 4, 1860.

that the House of Representatives were “unalterably and immovably attached to the Union of the States,” these men opposed it, and stayed the further consideration of it that day by carrying a motion to adjourn. It was clearly apparent that they had resolved on disunion, and that nothing in the way of concession would be accepted.

The appointment of the Select Committee of Thirty-three was made by the Speaker,¹ and it became the recipient, by reference, of a large