Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.

1 In his letter to Mr. Buchanan, resigning his office, Mr. Cobb frankly informed him that duty to his State required him to sever his connection with the Rational Government, and lend his powers for the good of his own people. “I have prepared,” he said, “and must now issue to them an address, which contains the calm and solemn convictions of my heart and judgment.” As his views would, if he remained in the Cabinet, expose himself to suspicion, and put the President in a false position, he thought it proper to resign. In this, Mr. Cobb. was more honest and honorable than his traitorous associates in the Cabinet, who remained almost a month longer.

2 Cobb's plans had been matured. before the election of Mr. Lincoln. So early as the 1st of November, 1860, Trescott, the Assistant Secretary of State, wrote to the editor of the Charleston Mercury, as follows:--

Washington, Nov. 1, 1860.

dear Rhett: I received your letter this morning. As to my views or opinions of the Administration, <*> san, of course, say nothing. As to Mr. Cobb's views, he is willing that I should communicate them to you, in order that they may aid you in forming your own judgment; but, you will understand that this is confidential — that is, neither Mr. Cobb nor myself must be quoted as the source of your information. I will not dwell on this, as you will, on a moment's reflection, see the embarrassment which might be produced by any authorized statement of his opinions. I will only add, by way of preface, that after the very fullest and freest conversations with him, I feel sure of his earnestness; singleness of purpose, and resolution in the whole matter.

Mr. Cobb believes that the time is come for resistance; that upon the election of Lincoln, Georgia ought to secede from the Union, and that she will do so. That Georgia and every other State should, as far as secession, act for herself, resuming her delegated powers, and thus put herself in position to consult with other sovereign States who take the.same ground. After the secession is effected, then will be the time to consult. But he is of opinion, most strongly, that whatever action is resolved on, should be consummated on the 4th of March, not before. That while the action determined on should be decisive and irrevocable, its initial point should be the 4th of March. He is opposed to any Southern convention, merely for the purpose of consultation. If a Southern convention is held, it must be of delegates empowered to act, whose action is at once binding on the States they represent.

But he desires me to impress upon you his conviction, that any attempt to precipitate the actual issue upon this Administration will be most mischievous-calculated to produce differences of opinion and destroy unanimity. He thinks it of great importance that the cotton crop should go forward at once, and that the money should be in the hands of the people, that the cry of popular distress shall not be heard at the outset of this move.²

My own opinion is, that it would be well to have a discreet man, one who knows the value of silence, who can listen wisely, present in Milledgeville, at the meeting of the State Legislature, as there will be there an outside gathering of the very ablest men of that State.

And the next point, that you should, at the earliest possible day of the session of our own legislature, elect a man as governor, whose name and character will conciliate as well as give confidence to all the men of the State. If we do act, I really think this half the battle; a man upon whose temper the State can rely.

I say nothing about a convention, as I understand, on all hands, that that is a fixed fact, and I have confined myself to answering your question. I will be much obliged to you if you will write me soon and fully from Columbia. It is impossible to write to you, with the constant interruption of the office, and as you want Cobb's opinions, not mine, I send this to you.

Yours,

W. H. T.

The original of the above letter is in my possession.

3 The iniquity of this recommendation of Cobb is made apparent by the fact, that it was a common practice for the planter to receive pay for his crop in advance. The crop now to “go forward” was already paid for. The money to be received, on its delivery, was for the next year's crop, which would never be delivered. Here was a proposition for a scheme to swindle Northern men to the amount of many millions of dollars.