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[296] and because of his known eminent ability, and unswerving fidelity to his country and the principles of justice and right, his appointment was acceptable to all loyal people, and especially to his political friends. How well he performed the very important and delicate duties of prime minister during the four succeeding years, let the recorded diplomacy of the Republic for that time answer.

The ship of State was now fairly launched upon the tide under the guidance of the new pilot. It was evident that terribly stormy seas were before it. Premonitions of tempests were darkening the air, alarming the timid, and filling the hearts of the brave with anxiety. There was peril on every side.

The President's Inaugural Address, calm, dignified, conciliatory even to pathos in tone, clear in its enunciation of the great truths concerning the political construction and character of the nation, and as clear in its annunciation of the duties and determination of the Chief Magistrate, satisfied the loyal people of the country everywhere. It promised peace, security, and justice to every law-abiding citizen and community. It was a pledge that the integrity of the territory of the Republic should be maintained, and its laws executed. It denied the existence of State supremacy, but not of State rights. It denied the right of secession, and plainly told the advocates of such pretended right that to attempt it would be an essay at criminal revolution, that would be resisted with all the powers of the Government. It was denounced by the conspirators and their partisans, South and North, as belligerent — as threatening war, because it contemplated the “coercion” of law-breakers into submission.1 It was mutilated and interpolated while passing through the newspapers in the interest of the conspirators; and the

1 That conspicuous counterfeit of a statesman, Senator Wigfall, whose mendacity and cowardice at Fort Sumter, a month later, were as prominent as his vulgarity and bluster in Congress, kept his seat in the Senate, in defiance of all decency; and on the last days of its session uttered his treasonable words more insolently than ever. He took it upon himself to treat the Inaugural with scorn. “It is easy to talk about enforcing the laws, and holding, occupying, and possessing the forts,” he said. “When you come to do this, bayonets, and not words, must settle the question. And he would here say, that Fort Pickens and the Administration will soon be forced to construe the Inaugural. Forts Moultrie, and Johnston, and Castle Pinckney are in possession of the Confederate States; but the confederated States will not leave Fort Sumter in possession! of the Federal Government. Seven Southern States have formed a confederation, and to tell them, as the President has done, that the acts of secession are no more than blank paper, is an insult.” He repeated: “There is no Union left; the seceded States will never surely come back under any circumstances. They will not live under this Administration. Withdraw your troops. Make no attempt to collect tribute, and enter into a treaty with those States. Do this, and you will have peace. Send your flag of thirty-four stars-thither, and it will be fired into, and war will ensue. Divide the public property; make a fair assessment of the public debt; or will you sit stupidly and idly till there shall be a conflict of arms, because you cannot compromise with traitors? Let the remaining States reform their government, and if it is acceptable, the Confederacy will enter into a treaty of commerce and amity with them. If you want peace, you shall have it. If war, you shall have it. The time for platforms and demagogism has passed. Treat with the Confederate States as independent, and you will have peace. Treat with them as States of this Union, and you will have war. Mr. Lincoln has to remove the troops from Forts Pickens and Sumter, or they will be removed for him. He has to collect the revenue at Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, or it will be collected for him. If he attempts to do so, resistance will be made. It is usless to blind your eyes. No compromise or amendment to the Constitution, no arrangement you may enter into, will satisfy the South, unless you recognize slaves as property, and protect it as any other species of property.”

Senator Douglas reminded Wigfall that, according to his own doctrine, he was “a foreigner,” and yet he retained his seat in the Senate of the United States. The insolent conspirator replied:--“It was because he had no official information that Texas has abolished the office of United States Senator. When he should be so notified, he would file a notice of his withdrawal at the desk; and if, after being so informed, his name should continue to be called, he should answer to it, if it suited his convenience; and if called upon to vote, he would probably give his reasons for voting, and regard this as a very respectable public meeting.”

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