Important developments from the Carpets Bag of a spy — Russell, of the London Times, alluding the rebels.
[from the New York Harald Aug. 25.]
Our readers will recollect that on the 14th inst. Robert Muir — who had previously registered his name at the Brevcort House as ‘"Mr. Millan"’ --was arrested on board the steamer Africa, just as she was about leaving her wharf in Jersey City for Liverpool.
He was the bearer of a very large number of letters from persons in the South directed to various parts of Europe.
His violent denunciation of our own Government, and his confident assertions that the Southern Confederacy would soon be recognized, made during his short stay in this city, attracted attention and led to his arrest.
He is now imprisoned at Fort Lafayette. Among the papers found upon Muir was a letter bearing date at Charleston, August 3d, signed by Morris Seligman. The writer says that he knows pretty well what is unknown to the public; that he writes the commercial reports of the English Consul to his Government at home; that he has seen Russell's letter about the battle, and he completely disposes of the Yankees; that Lord Lyons' last good saying was, that he would say to Seward, ‘"If you will not admit that the Southerners have belligerent rights, you must now admit that they are a belligerent Power;"’ and with all this familiarity with the sentiments of Russell and Lyons, the writer asserts that England will and must break up the blockade. He concludes with the significant remark, ‘"I have still later information, which still more confirms me in the belief that England and France will soon acknowledge us."’
Now, did Mr. Russell communicate the contents of his letter about the rout at Bull Run confidentially to the Secessionists, in advance of its publication, giving them a foretaste of his ridicule of the Yankees? and did Lord Lyons comfort them with the assurance that he would taunt the Secretary of State with the remark that he must then admit — that is, after the defeat at Bull Run — that the South was a belligerent Power? If so, we suppose it will be received as pretty conclusive evidence that the sympathies of both Lord Lyons and Mr. Russell are warmly with the Secessionists. Men do not show to their enemies, in however strict confidence, letters in which they have held up their friends to ridicule; men do not boast to their enemies in what language they have now got a chance to jeer and insult their friends. If Mr. Russell communicated the substance of his letter, in advance of its publication, to his rebel acquaintances, it was because he knew that its contents would be pleasing to them; that it was written in their interest, and they would so regard it, and in derogation of their enemies, ourselves. So it was as their advocate, their ally, their friend, that Lord Lyons let them know how he was disposed to make the most of the opportunity afforded by Bull Run to have a fling at our Secretary of State for their advantage. The following is the entire text of the letter from wihch we have quoted:
On politics I will not say much. The last important affair is still too fresh not to be in good spirits about it. Moreover, I alone know pretty well what is unknown to the public. I write, for instance, the commercial reports of the English Consul to his Government at home. I can assure you I can see daylight, and we will soon have full sunshine. I have read Russell's private letter about the battle, and he completely disposes of the Yankees. Lord Lyon's last good saying was that he would say to Seward, (a vile snake,) ‘"if you will not admit that the Southerners have belligerent rights, you must now admit that they are a belligerent Power."’
You may rest assured that the South will be independent, and soon become greater than the North, for true wealth is here, and not at the North; because the soil here produces everything that is necessary, and moreover yields immense values in cotton, tobacco, rice, &c., as extras.
In the products of the earth the South is the greatest country. I hope Hamburg will soon give us direct steam navigation. In January we expect to be in full business, for England will and must break up the blockade. I have still later information which still more confirms me in the belief that England and France will soon acknowledge us.
As we have said before, the very important question arises whether the allegations of this letter are true; because, if they are, no doubt whatever remains that Lord Lyons and Mr. Russell are both with the South and against the North in this war. The letter is dated August 3. Muir was arrested in Jersey City, August 14, and Mr. Seligman's letter was at that time in his possession. Mr. Russell's letter was published in the London Times of August 7, and did not reach this city until the 19th--five days after Mr. Seligman's letter was seized. It answers fully and emphatically to Mr. Seligman's description, when he says that ‘"it disposes of the Yankees."’ But this is a general commentary, and easily complied with. There is a much more important and, at the same time, minute particular in which it verifies the statement of Mr. Seligman. In that letter, speaking of Mr. Jefferson Davis. Mr. Russell says: ‘"He has already proved that he has a fair right to be considered the head of the belligerent Power."’ Thus we have the clear idea, and almost to a very syllable, the language attributed to Lord Lyons by Mr. Seligman--and which the British Minister evidently considered remarkably wittily — reproduced in the letter of Mr. Russell. This is conclusive. This fully confirms the truth of Mr. Seligman's statements.
But irrefragable as this proof is, it is not all that we have. There is cumulative evidence on this point as clear and convincing as that which we have already cited. Another commercial letter, written at Charleston, was found in possession of Mr. Muir, from which we make the following extract:
Mr. B. [Mr. Bunch, the British Consul at Charleston,] showed me confidentially Mr. Russell's letter about the battle. His letter beats all I have yet seen in print about the Yankees running. He says we could have had Washington by merely asking.
He said Lord Lyons had an inclination to ask Mr. Seward ‘"if the Confederate States of America had not the belligerent rights, according to his notion, he would certainly admit they had the belligerent power."’ On oath of secrecy he communicated to me also that the first step of recognition was taken.--He [Mr. Bunch, the British Consul,] and Mr. Belligny, French, Consul at Charleston, together, sent Mr. Trescott to Richmond yesterday to ask Jeff. Davis, President, to accept the treaty of commerce, to accept the neutral flag carrying central goods. This is the first step of direct treating with our Government.
If prepared for active business by 1st of January, you may rely on all going right.
Crops good and fine. There is more corn made than ever known. Cotton will be four million bales, with what was left from last crop.
Have no doubt that there will be some direct opportunities with the South by steam. All our privateers do remarkably well, though some less good than others.
Here we have not only the malignant if not brilliant witticism of Lord Lyons repeated by another writer, but we have additional information of a very serious character, which, after the establishment of the other facts asserted in the letter, we are bound to consider correct and true. We are told that Mr. Trescott, a South Carolinian, who was Assistant Secretary of State under President Buchanan, had been sent by Monsieur Belligny, the French Consul at Charleston, and Mr. Bunch, the British Consul at Charleston — who would not be likely to act in so important a matter without instructions from their superiors at Washington — to Jefferson Davis, at Richmond, to ask him to accept a treaty of commerce, for a neutral flag to carry neutral goods — the first step of direct treating with the Confederate Government. This is probably what Mr. Seligman refers to at the close of his letter, more confirms him in the belief that England and France will soon acknowledge the Confederate Government.
Thus we see that Lord Lyons and Mr. Russell have both been giving aid and comfort to the enemy. The British Minister has been rubbing up his wits to give increased rancor to the venomous pen of the foreign correspondent who gloried in the unfortunate repulse of our badly officered, raw recruits at Bull Run; and, not content to let the rebels learn of his enmity towards us and his sympathy for them through the ordinary channels, the gratifying assurance is given to them, confidentially, in advance of publication. More than this, a treaty of commerce is already in actual process of negotiation with the Southern Confederacy. Calling the attention of Secretary Seward to this matter, we will leave Lord Lyons in his hands. But what shall be done with Mr. Russell? We perceived that the troops of Gen. Banks, some of whom had read his letters in the London Times, have already manifested strong dissatisfaction at his presence among them. We cannot wonder at this; and, when the additional facts which we have now brought out become generally known, if Mr. Russell escapes rough handling it can only be by speedily leaving the country. He is a snob of the first water, and belongs to that class in Great Britain whose sentiments to wards us Blackwood recently expressed as follows: ‘"We can feel no special interest in the maintenance of a Union whose origin was in the violent overthrow of British supremacy."’ We have already invoked the unusual aid of martial law to stop the vilification of our Government at this critical moment, when it wavers between life and death, by a depraved and treacherous press at home. Shall an alien writer, a proved ally of our enemies, whose pen drips gall and whose confidence assists treason, enjoy privileges of which our citizens are, from necessity, forcibly deprived? Mr. Russell opposes our Government; it should yield him no protection. He hates our country; let him leave it. He may escape from the valley of the Monocracy before Gen. Banks is advised of these facts; but if he makes his way West, into the army of the Mississippi, we doubt not that Gen. Fremont will put him under the wholesome rigor of martial law, as he has already placed a number of other kid-gloved gentlemen of Secession sympathies at hard work in the trenches.
