Xxvii.
We must glance, although it be only for a moment, at the condition of Mexico in the beginning of the year 1862. The Emperor of France, who had for some time been indulging in the visionary dream of establishing an Empire in Mexico, had, through the subtle diplomacy of his agents, induced Great Britain and Spain to unite with France, in obtaining redress and security from Mexico, for the subjects of the three Great Powers, with indemnity for claims due from that Republic. A Convention to that effect was made in London, October 31, 1861, and a month later, a note was addressed to the United States inviting us to join in that demand. Of course, the invitation was declined. Mr. Corwin had been sent, minister to Mexico, with instructions to report to his government the actual condition [383] of affairs in that country, and to prevent the Southern Confederacy from obtaining any recognition there, thus cutting off all hope of augmenting the power of the South by acquisition, accompanied with Slavery, in Mexico, or any of the Spanish American Republics. He was also to use all proper means to prevent any European Power from gaining a permanent hold on this continent. On the 4th of April, 1862, in writing to Senator Sumner, Mr. Corwin spoke as follows:In the first object, I have fully succeeded. The Southern Commissioner, after employing persuasion and threats, finally took his leave of the city, sending back from Vera Cruz, as I am informed, a very offensive letter to the government here. In obtaining the second end, I have had more difficulty. * * * If the French attempt to conquer this country, it is certain to bring on a war of two or three years duration. The gorges of the mountains, so frequent here, would afford to small detachments, stronger holds than any position fortified by art; and the Mexicans have a strong hatred of foreign rule, which animates the whole body of the people. I trust our government will remonstrate firmly against all idea of European conquest on this continent, and in such time as to have its due influence on the present position of France in Mexico.But I am satisfied this danger may be avoided by the pecuniary aid proposed by the present treaty with us, and the united diplomacy of England, Spain, and the United States. If these means are not promptly and energetically applied, a European power may fasten itself upon Mexico, which it will become a necessity with us at no distant day to dislodge. To do this, in the supposed event, would cost us millions, twenty times told, more than we now propose to lend upon undoubted security.
When the ambitious designs of Napoleon became fully known, England and Spain withdrew. The Emperor landed a large army on the Mexican soil, and in the prosecution of the mad enterprise, ultimately witnessed the defeat of his object. The brave and virtuous [384] Maximilian, whom he had placed upon the reconstructed throne of Mexico, was brought to a just and ignominious death,—many thousands of the finest soldiers in France left their bones on the soil;—her generals reaped no laurels in the field;—her ministers gained no fame in the cabinet;—an enormous amount of treasure was uselessly expended; and Napoleon discovered, only too late, that in the insane expedition, he had found his Moscow, from which dated the beginning of the decline of his power, which was effectually extinguished a few years later at Sedan.
On the 17th of December, 1861, the President, in a message, transmitted to the Senate a draft of a Convention with the Republic of Mexico, in pursuance of the plan suggested by Mr. Corwin. Mr. Seward earnestly recommended the proposition of the President, but the following resolution finally passed that body:
That, in reply to several messages of the President, with regard to a treaty with Mexico, the Senate express the opinion that it is not advisable to negotiate a treaty that will require the United States to assume any portion of the principal or interest of the debt of Mexico, or that will require the concurrence of the European powers.
