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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 176
el Commissioners, who had been confined in Fort Warren, in Boston harbor; and that portion of the precious freight of which the steamer Trent had been relieved, was handed over to the British Government, much to the regret of the war party of Great Britain. Before this had taken place, however, Mr. Sumner, who had received letters from distinguished friends of America in England, read them, to the President, and his Cabinet. One from Richard Cobden, January 23, 1862, said:—It is perhaps weinion of the world on that subject forever. His mild rebuke of Mr. Hale's patriotic, but indiscreet motion and speech, had induced that Senator to withdraw the Resolution, for he had treated the whole matter on a hypothesis, by assuming that Great Britain had made an arrogant demand, when he knew nothing of the sort. Who in the Senate, inquired Mr. Sumner, knows it? Who in the country knows it? I don't believe it—will not believe it, except on evidence. I submit, therefore, that the Senato
Fort Warren (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 176
Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. A very brief examination of the case showed that the act of Captain Wilkes could, under no circumstances, be sustained; and that the surrender of the prisoners, with or without a demand from the British Government, would be only in strict conformity with the precedents which had been established by our own government. Consequently, without any regard to popular clamor, Mr. Lincoln peremptorily ordered a release of the Rebel Commissioners, who had been confined in Fort Warren, in Boston harbor; and that portion of the precious freight of which the steamer Trent had been relieved, was handed over to the British Government, much to the regret of the war party of Great Britain. Before this had taken place, however, Mr. Sumner, who had received letters from distinguished friends of America in England, read them, to the President, and his Cabinet. One from Richard Cobden, January 23, 1862, said:—It is perhaps well that you settle the matter by sending away the
Europe (search for this): chapter 176
inal programme, where it was entirely out of place. Seeing such haste, and proclamation so lofty of an exigence above debate; seeing the idea of an impious war accepted with so much ease by some, and with such joy so little dissembled by others, Europe declared without ambiguity or reserve, that if England were not miraculously saved from her own undertaking—that if she went so far as to fire a cannon at the North as an ally of the South, she would tear with her own hands her principal titles tfully accomplished, and England had the mortification of learning that we had acted right, without any reference to her threats or demands. There was no end to the congratulations Mr. Sumner received from his countrymen, and from the illuminated statesmen of all European countries. He showed me whole stacks of letters, journals, reviews, of which he remarked: The grand source of satisfaction is, that we have done right: and I shall live long enough, I hope, to read these through some time.
Boston Harbor (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 176
binet. A very brief examination of the case showed that the act of Captain Wilkes could, under no circumstances, be sustained; and that the surrender of the prisoners, with or without a demand from the British Government, would be only in strict conformity with the precedents which had been established by our own government. Consequently, without any regard to popular clamor, Mr. Lincoln peremptorily ordered a release of the Rebel Commissioners, who had been confined in Fort Warren, in Boston harbor; and that portion of the precious freight of which the steamer Trent had been relieved, was handed over to the British Government, much to the regret of the war party of Great Britain. Before this had taken place, however, Mr. Sumner, who had received letters from distinguished friends of America in England, read them, to the President, and his Cabinet. One from Richard Cobden, January 23, 1862, said:—It is perhaps well that you settle the matter by sending away the men at once; con
Wilkes (search for this): chapter 176
h was received in Washington, or any possibility of news of the state of feeling in England could have reached here, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Adams, our Minister at London, an account of what had occurred, and stated that Captain Wilkes acted without any instructions from the government, and he trusted that there would be no difficulty in adjusting the matter, if the British Government should be disposed to meet the case in the same pacific spirit which animated the Presidenct of the civilized world; for from the moment that England becomes only the ally of Slave-traders, she has abdicated. But the wisest council prevailed in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. A very brief examination of the case showed that the act of Captain Wilkes could, under no circumstances, be sustained; and that the surrender of the prisoners, with or without a demand from the British Government, would be only in strict conformity with the precedents which had been established by our own governmen
Seward (search for this): chapter 176
the meantime, before Earl Russell's dispatch was received in Washington, or any possibility of news of the state of feeling in England could have reached here, Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Adams, our Minister at London, an account of what had occurred, and stated that Captain Wilkes acted without any instructions n. By a singular coincidence, this letter was read by Mr. Adams to Earl Russell on the very same day that Lord Lyons had read the English Secretary's demand to Mr. Seward. It was then in the power of Earl Russell to make the purport of Mr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British miMr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British ministry had done everything in their power to inflame. But this was not done. In speaking of this, Mr. Dana remarks: The truth seems to be that, so long as they were uncertain whether their menace of war might not lead to war, they could not afford to withdraw the chief motive for the war spirit in the British people, and adm
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 176
lly of the South, she would tear with her own hands her principal titles to the respect of the civilized world; for from the moment that England becomes only the ally of Slave-traders, she has abdicated. But the wisest council prevailed in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. A very brief examination of the case showed that the act of Captain Wilkes could, under no circumstances, be sustained; and that the surrender of the prisoners, with or without a demand from the British Government, would be only in strict conformity with the precedents which had been established by our own government. Consequently, without any regard to popular clamor, Mr. Lincoln peremptorily ordered a release of the Rebel Commissioners, who had been confined in Fort Warren, in Boston harbor; and that portion of the precious freight of which the steamer Trent had been relieved, was handed over to the British Government, much to the regret of the war party of Great Britain. Before this had taken place, however, Mr. S
England (search for this): chapter 176
ste, and proclamation so lofty of an exigence above debate; seeing the idea of an impious war accepted with so much ease by some, and with such joy so little dissembled by others, Europe declared without ambiguity or reserve, that if England were not miraculously saved from her own undertaking—that if she went so far as to fire a cannon at the North as an ally of the South, she would tear with her own hands her principal titles to the respect of the civilized world; for from the moment that England becomes only the ally of Slave-traders, she has abdicated. But the wisest council prevailed in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. A very brief examination of the case showed that the act of Captain Wilkes could, under no circumstances, be sustained; and that the surrender of the prisoners, with or without a demand from the British Government, would be only in strict conformity with the precedents which had been established by our own government. Consequently, without any regard to popular clamor,
Richard Cobden (search for this): chapter 176
Lincoln peremptorily ordered a release of the Rebel Commissioners, who had been confined in Fort Warren, in Boston harbor; and that portion of the precious freight of which the steamer Trent had been relieved, was handed over to the British Government, much to the regret of the war party of Great Britain. Before this had taken place, however, Mr. Sumner, who had received letters from distinguished friends of America in England, read them, to the President, and his Cabinet. One from Richard Cobden, January 23, 1862, said:—It is perhaps well that you settle the matter by sending away the men at once; consistently with your own principles, you could not have justified their detention. Mr. Sumner's speech in the Senate—to which his position as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs gave additional weight—soon followed, and it settled the opinion of the world on that subject forever. His mild rebuke of Mr. Hale's patriotic, but indiscreet motion and speech, had induced that <
Richard H. Dana (search for this): chapter 176
acific spirit which animated the President and his administration. By a singular coincidence, this letter was read by Mr. Adams to Earl Russell on the very same day that Lord Lyons had read the English Secretary's demand to Mr. Seward. It was then in the power of Earl Russell to make the purport of Mr. Seward's letter known, which would at once have allayed the war fever which the British ministry had done everything in their power to inflame. But this was not done. In speaking of this, Mr. Dana remarks: The truth seems to be that, so long as they were uncertain whether their menace of war might not lead to war, they could not afford to withdraw the chief motive for the war spirit in the British people, and admit that their warlike demonstration had been needless. Their popular support depended upon the general belief in a necessity for their having accompanied their demand with the preparations and menace of war. This conduct of the British government subsequently cost he
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