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Jackson (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
because this was likely to make him the candidate for Vice-President, as it did. Weed urged Webster to take the nomination for Vice-President on the Harrison, and again on the Taylor ticket, but in vain; if Webster had followed this advice, his ambition to be President would have been gratified. Weed personally favored a United States Bank, but he would not print in the Evening Journal, in 1836, Webster's speech at a Whig mass meeting, in Boston, in support of the bank scheme, and against Jackson's veto, saying that two sentences in the veto message would carry ten votes against the bank to one gained for it by Webster's eloquence-viz., that our Government was endangered by the circumstance that a large amount of the stock of the United States Bank was owned in Europe, and that the bank was designed to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. Weed has been severely criticized for the defeat of Clay in the National Convention of 1839. Clay received early assurance that Weed was
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ard for Governor the year following. The Whig party, as the National Republicans had come to be called, was stunned by these defeats, and when Harrison ran against Van Buren in 1836, Van Buren carried forty-two of the fifty-six counties of New York State, Massachusetts wasted her vote on Webster, and Van Buren carried New England and had a popular majority over his three opponents. But the Whigs were now to have as an ally the influence most potent, perhaps, in the politics of a republic — aion are now upon New York. The Empire State must determine the great question at issue between the People and the Usurpers. She is the last and only barrier between Freedom and Despotism. She must breast the shock alone. The Whigs carried New York State by 15,000 and elected Seward Governor in 1838 by about 38,000, and as the 15,000 copies of the Jeffersonian circulated principally among readers who had no other paper, Greeley's modest assumption that it did good will not be disputed. The s
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 4
in the first presidential campaign after his paper was founded (in 1832) ended in the loss of the State and the nation by his candidate, Henry Clay, and Marcy defeated Seward for Governor the year following. The Whig party, as the National Republicans had come to be called, was stunned by these defeats, and when Harrison ran against Van Buren in 1836, Van Buren carried forty-two of the fifty-six counties of New York State, Massachusetts wasted her vote on Webster, and Van Buren carried New England and had a popular majority over his three opponents. But the Whigs were now to have as an ally the influence most potent, perhaps, in the politics of a republic — a financial panic and an era of hard times. How potent this influence is in shaping the fortunes of parties and candidates the history of the United States has proved in later years. On President Van Buren was laid the responsibility for the long list of business failures, the monetary evils, and the commercial stagnation. W
Europe (search for this): chapter 4
ave been gratified. Weed personally favored a United States Bank, but he would not print in the Evening Journal, in 1836, Webster's speech at a Whig mass meeting, in Boston, in support of the bank scheme, and against Jackson's veto, saying that two sentences in the veto message would carry ten votes against the bank to one gained for it by Webster's eloquence-viz., that our Government was endangered by the circumstance that a large amount of the stock of the United States Bank was owned in Europe, and that the bank was designed to make the rich richer and the poor poorer. Weed has been severely criticized for the defeat of Clay in the National Convention of 1839. Clay received early assurance that Weed was warmly and zealously in favor of his election, and Shepard, in his Martin Van Buren, says that the slaughter of Henry Clay had been effected by the now formidable Whig politicians of New York, cunningly marshaled by Thurlow Weed. Weed did work against the election of Clay dele
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
ofs, and sometimes made up the forms for the press. His fight in the first presidential campaign after his paper was founded (in 1832) ended in the loss of the State and the nation by his candidate, Henry Clay, and Marcy defeated Seward for Governor the year following. The Whig party, as the National Republicans had come to be called, was stunned by these defeats, and when Harrison ran against Van Buren in 1836, Van Buren carried forty-two of the fifty-six counties of New York State, Massachusetts wasted her vote on Webster, and Van Buren carried New England and had a popular majority over his three opponents. But the Whigs were now to have as an ally the influence most potent, perhaps, in the politics of a republic — a financial panic and an era of hard times. How potent this influence is in shaping the fortunes of parties and candidates the history of the United States has proved in later years. On President Van Buren was laid the responsibility for the long list of business
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 4
igs were now to have as an ally the influence most potent, perhaps, in the politics of a republic — a financial panic and an era of hard times. How potent this influence is in shaping the fortunes of parties and candidates the history of the United States has proved in later years. On President Van Buren was laid the responsibility for the long list of business failures, the monetary evils, and the commercial stagnation. What constitutional or legal justification can Mr. Van Buren offer to the people of the United States for having brought upon them all their present difficulties? was the language of a remonstrance drawn up by a committee of New York city merchants, in April, 1837. In the following November the Whigs (in an off-year ) carried New York city for the first time, as well as county after county in the State that had been considered Democratic beyond attack, and elected 100 of the 128 members of the Assembly voted for. Weed and his associates in the Whig party lea
William L. Marcy (search for this): chapter 4
paper had a fight on his hands, not so desperately against overdue notes as against a most powerful political opposition. That man was Thurlow Weed, and his opposition, known as The Albany Regency, included such leaders as Martin Van Buren, William L. Marcy, and Silas Wright. Weed had founded the Albany Evening Journal in March, 1830, and for several years had not only written all its editorial articles, but had reported the legislative proceedings, selected the miscellany, collected the local news, read the proofs, and sometimes made up the forms for the press. His fight in the first presidential campaign after his paper was founded (in 1832) ended in the loss of the State and the nation by his candidate, Henry Clay, and Marcy defeated Seward for Governor the year following. The Whig party, as the National Republicans had come to be called, was stunned by these defeats, and when Harrison ran against Van Buren in 1836, Van Buren carried forty-two of the fifty-six counties of New
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 4
carried forty-two of the fifty-six counties of New York State, Massachusetts wasted her vote on Webster, and Van Buren carried New England and had a popular majority over his three opponents. But thion because this was likely to make him the candidate for Vice-President, as it did. Weed urged Webster to take the nomination for Vice-President on the Harrison, and again on the Taylor ticket, but in vain; if Webster had followed this advice, his ambition to be President would have been gratified. Weed personally favored a United States Bank, but he would not print in the Evening Journal, in 1836, Webster's speech at a Whig mass meeting, in Boston, in support of the bank scheme, and against Jackson's veto, saying that two sentences in the veto message would carry ten votes against the bank to one gained for it by Webster's eloquence-viz., that our Government was endangered by the circumstance that a large amount of the stock of the United States Bank was owned in Europe, and that t
Parton (search for this): chapter 4
implore you to do us justice, and enable us to do the same. Greeley was never a good business man, and it would have required a man of extraordinary business, as well as literary, ability to do the work he did in New York city and Albany from 1838 to 1841, with two journals almost constantly on his hands, and taking an active part in committee work, making speeches, and receiving the hundreds of people who came to him with suggestions or for advice. In illustration of his business methods Parton relates that, one spring day, after getting the mail from the post-office, Greeley put it into his overcoat pocket, forgot all about it, and left his coat hanging on the peg until autumn, when he had occasion to use it again. Then he discovered the letters containing enclosures about which the writers had been for months inquiring in vain. His partners who, he says, were no help to me, withdrew, one after another. But the Log Cabin did afford some pecuniary aid, and he wrote to Weed in Ja
Harrison (search for this): chapter 4
come to be called, was stunned by these defeats, and when Harrison ran against Van Buren in 1836, Van Buren carried forty-twefeated at the polls, and that there was a good chance of Harrison's election; and he proved himself a wise friend of Clay bemocrats, New York remaining Whig by a reduced majority. Harrison received the nomination for President in the first Whig Ng campaigns in the history of the country followed. Give Harrison a log cabin and a barrel of hard cider, and he will stay fame of one of her noblest and most illustrious patriots (Harrison). The Log Cabin was a lively campaign paper. It princrats opened the campaign with a volley of attacks on General Harrison, belittling his military and civil capacity, and rakices of Baseness, and urged non-partizan voters to support Harrison because he was the representative of Madison's view that y, and as many as they please hereafter for their party. Harrison received 234 of the 294 electoral votes, and no one will
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