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America (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ome infernal and atheistic chance. During this year the Tribune advocated an international copyright as equitable and expedient for both sides of the ocean, opposed the Democratic policy of indefinite annexation, declared its belief that all America will be democratic and united in our confederation of States, though we would not seek to anticipate that time by violent means, and wrote strenuously for the improvement of the great rivers and harbors of the West at the expense of the Federal , he expressed the belief that all proposals looking to the return of the negroes to Africa, or to colonizing them in any other part of the world, would be found to be unsound and impracticable. He regarded them as destined to remain forever in America, and either die out in the struggle for existence, or be absorbed through the slow processes of nature in the remote ages of the future, into the ultimate composite human race. But to return to Dana's work on the Tribune. In October, 1852, th
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ere was no case in all history where revolt had been able to sustain itself, or had succeeded in abolishing slavery. He dismissed the idea of violent emancipation in this country as chimerical, but declared, with prophetic confidence the United States will extinguish slavery before slavery can begin to extinguish the United States. Nowhere in this admirable disquisition is there a touch of sectionalism or of dislike to the Southern people. While the author does not conceal his sympathUnited States. Nowhere in this admirable disquisition is there a touch of sectionalism or of dislike to the Southern people. While the author does not conceal his sympathy with freedom, or his hope that the time will come, by natural and peaceable steps, when every American will be free, he suggests no sort of outside interference with the institution where it then legally existed. He recognized the ultimate tendencies of the modern world towards the elevation of the human family in all its branches, and discouraged impatience and violence as alike ineffective and undesirable. No one at this day can read this lecture without interest and approval. The most
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
petuate this most monstrous of monopolies, this worst form of injustice, this utmost of tyrannies. A delusion so inhumane in a class which ought to manifest some degree of independence, intelligence, and freedom from prejudice is the lost conclusive argument that could be presented against slavery. When it fixes its chains even upon the minds of the free mechanics of a State the case is bad, indeed, and a reaction cannot long be delayed. A short time afterwards the white mechanics of Georgia followed the example set by those of Virginia, and this gave Dana a further opportunity to comment upon the essential and ineradicable antagonism between the slave and free labor, and especially upon the degradation these mechanics would fix upon tilling the earth and menial domestic service by limiting those occupations to slaves. Notwithstanding the frequent warnings given by the South that the discussion of the slavery question by the Northern journals was weakening the devotion of th
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
n that they constitute an interesting epitome of the country's daily history. Dana's hand is recognized on every page of the issues for 1851, here advocating a railroad to the Pacific, as the best means of controlling the trade of India, there favoring the nomination of presidents without the aid of a convention, and their election by the direct vote of the people. In one article he denounced the Democratic policy of abolishing paper money, while in another he commended the noble example of Iowa in abolishing the penalty of death. The next day we find him favorably considering Mr. Seward's doctrine of the higher law in connection with the return of fugitive slaves. Then follows an editorial commenting upon A. T. Stewart's marble palace as an illustration of the tendency of commerce to concentrate into fewer and fewer hands, impelled by an unexpressed instinct that economy and reliability are thereby attained. The man who keeps a stock of goods worth hundreds of thousands and
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
om it, and in this noble work no opposition silenced, no danger daunted them. Dana, as managing editor, had long since become the arbiter of what should appear in the columns of the great journal. He accepted or rejected the contributions sent to him, and, not content with that, edited them with an unsparing hand. The blue pencil was never out of use. No writer was too great, no subject too important to escape its rapid and unerring stroke. During this entire decade, James S. Pike, of Maine, afterwards minister to the Netherlands, was one of the principal correspondents and contributors to the Tribune. He wrote much and well, but, like the rest, he came under the correcting influence of Dana's criticism. This is well illustrated by a letter from Dana having reference to Pike's Campaign life of General Scott, and to the assignment of Bayard Taylor as secretary to Commodore Perry in the Japanese expedition. Having taken liberties with Pike's proofs, he wrote: If you don't
Cuba (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 8
e improvement of the great rivers and harbors of the West at the expense of the Federal government. In the next issue it expressed its belief that slavery could not be perpetuated, but would, in accordance with the universal rule of history, end by resistless necessity, naturally, and without dangerously convulsing the state, or violently, with its destruction. Shall we, it asks, with prophetic solemnity, take the way of nature or risk the distant oncoming revolution? The annexation of Cuba and Mexico, which was advocated by several Southern papers at this time, received no countenance from the Tribune. While it was naturally favorable to Cuban independence, it refused to excuse filibustering or to advocate the annexation of either of those countries for the benefit of slavery, or to facilitate the return of fugitive slaves, which it contended was the principal reason for the popularity of those measures in the South. It was deaf to the appeals of all who sought to silence the
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
r large power-plants, but when perfected passed into extensive use for pumping and other stations, where the maximum requirement did not exceed three or four horse-power. This instance serves to emphasize the fact that editorial prophecy is infallible neither in the world of mechanics nor in that of politics. The Tribune returned with increased fervor this year to the advocacy of a railroad, and also of an independent telegraph line to the Pacific, as the most effective means of binding California and Oregon to the Union. And it never ceased to advocate these measures, no matter under what form they were proposed, till they had become accomplished facts. Always in favor of sound money, on February 7th it came out with this interesting suggestion: Let it now be solemnly enacted that gold is the national standard of value, and that our present gold coin shall nevermore be debased nor interfered with. Then, with prophetic wisdom, it added: If silver becomes more or less
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 8
ent of the great rivers and harbors of the West at the expense of the Federal government. In the next issue it expressed its belief that slavery could not be perpetuated, but would, in accordance with the universal rule of history, end by resistless necessity, naturally, and without dangerously convulsing the state, or violently, with its destruction. Shall we, it asks, with prophetic solemnity, take the way of nature or risk the distant oncoming revolution? The annexation of Cuba and Mexico, which was advocated by several Southern papers at this time, received no countenance from the Tribune. While it was naturally favorable to Cuban independence, it refused to excuse filibustering or to advocate the annexation of either of those countries for the benefit of slavery, or to facilitate the return of fugitive slaves, which it contended was the principal reason for the popularity of those measures in the South. It was deaf to the appeals of all who sought to silence the discussio
Oregon (Oregon, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
-plants, but when perfected passed into extensive use for pumping and other stations, where the maximum requirement did not exceed three or four horse-power. This instance serves to emphasize the fact that editorial prophecy is infallible neither in the world of mechanics nor in that of politics. The Tribune returned with increased fervor this year to the advocacy of a railroad, and also of an independent telegraph line to the Pacific, as the most effective means of binding California and Oregon to the Union. And it never ceased to advocate these measures, no matter under what form they were proposed, till they had become accomplished facts. Always in favor of sound money, on February 7th it came out with this interesting suggestion: Let it now be solemnly enacted that gold is the national standard of value, and that our present gold coin shall nevermore be debased nor interfered with. Then, with prophetic wisdom, it added: If silver becomes more or less plentiful, le
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
Chapter 7: the shadow of slavery Dana and Lincoln human Restlessness and divine Providence early views of the tribune lecture on slavery at Chicago Ericsson's caloric engine principles of Dana and Greeley the blue pencil It is said that a few years before the beginning of this decade, Abraham Lincoln, in his icit declaration of principles, there is nothing in it to show that Dana had yet become an abolitionist. From a letter to James Pike, it appears that he went to Chicago on June 22, 1852, to be gone a week, and while there delivered a lecture on slavery, the manuscript of which, in his own well-known handwriting, is now in my posswe were constantly face to face with slavery and those who upheld it, I never heard him utter a word in opposition to the sentiments and opinions contained in his Chicago lecture. He had no word of blame or even of criticism for the Southern people who had inherited slavery from their ancestors. He was always kind and considerate
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