Showing posts with label Brigitte Eckert. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brigitte Eckert. Show all posts

24 April 2015

Nauplion's Bavarian remnants


This is the front door of Bettina Schinas' house, opposite. Ag. Giorgios. The door was imported from Trieste, probably just after 1830 -- apparently all the best new houses had doors from Trieste. Bettina and her husband Konstantinos rented the house from Andreas Miaoulis for 1834-35, before they moved to Athens with the Bavarian court.  It is a splendidly carved door.

Photo, Brigitte Eckert, 2010.
Another view of Bettina's house. This deterioration cannot be blamed on the economic crisis. It takes a long time for a house like this to disintegrate. But this house is a significant element in Nauplion's heritage, and it is a disappointment and a shame that no one seems to find it important. Bettina wrote wonderful letters to her family from this house, describing Nauplion and the people she met --Kolettis, Miaoulis, Petro-Bey Mavromichaelis -- and later wrote wonderful letters about Athens. Brigitte Eckert made extensive translations from the letters so Surprised by Time could publish them.




If you stand facing the bus station, and take the first corner to your right, you will come almost immediately to the door with these elegant lion heads (there is a small cafe). Below the lion heads are panels of exceptional carving – swags of leaves and little monster heads on either side of a shell, and then below that, a deeply-inset panel with the head of a Bavarian Green Man. 



 The condition of this door has been developing for a long time: it is not a casualty of the economic crisis.  But the disregard of Nauplion for such an exceptional work of art is another example of the carelessness demonstrated, for example, towards the Venetian staircase and gate to Akro-Nauplion.  I would imagine that there is a lot of experience in Bavaria where preservation and restoration of wood carvings are concerned, and some of the ill feelings of the economic crisis might well be relieved by a Bavarian mission to help restore this shared heritage.






The grandest of the surviving Bavarian houses is just up the street if you take the first left when you are facing the bus station.  Here a classical-style Bavarian door has been built accommodated to the contemporary Greek stonework. The house belonged to the Count von Armansperg, First Minister to the King.  


Photo, Brigitte Eckert, 2010.


This was the first house in Nauplion to have a piano.  Bettina wrote about going to a party there.
"I must report about the evening at the Armanspergs. Beautiful rooms nicely decorated, filled with all kinds of people, diplomats, officers, dressed in Bavarian uniforms, as palikaria or French; also the ladies dressed French or Greek. The countess in mourning because of the Duke von Altenburg’s death. She received me very kindly, complaining there would be no dancing because of the death. The daughters very pretty, very modest and polite, offered me conversation as they noticed I didn’t know anybody. The older played the piano later very skillful. The many rooms were crowded -- tea, ice cream, lemonades were offered. When the Countess saw me speaking with Kolettis, (I was standing up because he is so tall) she came and offered us 2 chairs next to each other so we could speak seated; the daughter played the piano, so we stopped our conversation." 


Photos, DW, November 2014.



21 August 2013

Pavane for a Dead Princess: Part Eight


La vostra sorella Cleofe Palaologhina 
deo gratia Vasilisa della Morea
# 5, to Paola. 28.6 x 21.5 cm.


Brigitte Eckert recently went to Mantua, while on a trip to Venice, and photographed Cleofe's letters for me.  She had gone to Mantua to do this a year ago, in May 2012, and was just sitting down with the letters in hand when the earthquake struck, and everyone was sent out of the library. Brigitte also took the trouble to get the dimensions of each letter. The letters are found in three different buste  in the Mantua archives.  A busta looks like this:


A woman in the archives in Venice once said to me, "We are the perpetual children," because a new busta evokes in some of us all the anticipation of a child on Christmas morning.

Long-time readers of Surprised by Time have often had the pleasure of Brigitte's generosity. She took photographs of the Franciscan church in Nauplion when mine went missing. More particularly, she translated numerous letters by Bettina Schinanée von Savigny written from Nauplion and Athens in 1834-35.  

In Mantua, Brigitte examined four letters written by Cleofe, along with letters from Battista Malatesta di Montefeltro to her sister Paola Gonzaga di Malatesta, and from Paola to Pope Martin V about Cleofe.  These six letters have been published and can be found on-line here

#4, to Paola. 30 x 19.5 cm.

This letter #4 was written on 26 January 1428 to her sister Paola.  It is very short,  seven and a half lines, and she asks for prayer for her soul, she doesn't care about her body. [line 5 "dal corpo non me ne (incuro)"]  Since Conte Riciardo left, she has had no news about Paola's family, and she needs to know how they all are.  She doesn't have time to write more, but Paola can write their brother (Pandolfo Malatesta, Archbishop of Patras) for information.

"Please tell me about our sister's little orphaned children (line 6, quilli orfanitti).  God knows, if I were in another country, I could take one."  Their sister Taddea had recently died of plague, leaving two small children.

#6, to Paola. 2c x 10.5 cm.

This is the last letter, to Paola.,in July 1428.  It is very short, because the bearer will tell Paola the news -- the news being that John, Constantine, and Thomas Palaiologos are besieging their brother's city of Patras.  Cleofe's husband, Theodoros, did not join them: he was deeply engaged with negotiations with Venice over this and other matters, and he was tied up in emotional knots over the question of whether he should leave his position and wife and daughter, and become a monk.

La vostra sorela pocha aventurata
 Cleofe P
.

The four Cleofe letters -- and the other two -- are not written on full sheets of paper, but on  pieces cut off a larger folio sheet.  The cuts are not perfectly straight.  Cleofe's paper is of much higher quality than the other women's, thick and still almost stiff nearly 600 years later.  You can see the indication of quality in the first photograph, the closeness of the laid lines that run vertical to the writing.  The seal (traces of one can be seen two pictures up) was red wax, and carried a double-headed eagle.  One of the letters shows a clear watermark, a five-petaled flower quite common over several hundred years of paper-making.  Again, you can see the closeness of the laid lines.

La vostra sorella
Cleofe Palaologhina


# 5, to Paola. 28.6 x 21.5 cm.



This is the complete letter from which the signature in the top picture came, and it is shattering.

It was written on 20 March 1428, carried to Italy by the megachartophylax (she writes megha cartofila) of Mistra who was taking the formal announcement of the birth of her baby, Helena, to her father and the pope. (Helena was the heir to the throne of Constantinople at that point.) After her death, the Mistra intellectuals made a point of Cleofe's self-discipline, and you can see that discipline here in the evenly spaced lines* and clear penmanship -- easily readable in a larger image -- despite the fact that she was desperately depressed.  It may be the first description of post-partum depression that we have written by a woman.

The first part of the letter is a cry from isolation: she is begging for letters from home. She returns over and over to the topic of foreignness and distance -- and then possibly suicide:  "Without this grace that I request (letters), I will be unhappy, and my life short and bitter . . . my life is worthless but I would damn my soul in perpetuity . . . the tears do not leave me . . . there is not enough paper to write it all . . . I wish I were dead."  Only at the end of the letter does she mention the new baby, her only consolation.  This is the only letter of the four that is signed vasilisa, which was the title for a despot's wife, and I have wondered if she received the formal title for the birth, or if her use of it is a bit of irony at the contrast between her formal position and her actual situation.

This consuming depression will explain Theodoros' impulse to become a monk mentioned above.  He was, finally, happy to become a father. Nothing in his experience prepared him to cope with a wife in Cleofe's condition.  His pattern of decision-making indicates that his own anxieties pushed him into absolute positions.  That must have intensified her depression. The imperial brothers, and Gemistos and Dr. Pepagomenos, must have worked hard to talk him down from this.

As difficult as it was to read this letter in print, to read it in her own controlled, carefully-spaced handwriting was devastating, even though I had the protection of the distance of a photograph. 




* She is using a mistar (Arabic), a form with strings placed under the paper to indicate the spacing.


* * * * * * * * * *


Previous entries about Cleofe:  








02 October 2012

The Athens plague of 1835, continued.


Bettina as a young girl. 


In the previous entry, Konstantinos Schinas had to tell his wife's parents about her long and serious illness in Athens in the hot summer of 1835. Now in this final letter written two weeks later (25 August/5 September), he tells them about her death.

* * * * * * 

I wrote to you the 18th via the Austrian Embassy and I didn’t sense the horrible, the uncurable catastrophe ahead for me and you.
In the morning of the 24 at 1 ½ o’clock my angel, your only daughter closed her beautiful eyes -- pious, patient, loving Bettina after a sickbed of 38 days while she was thinking only of her saviour and her parents, her glance turned to heaven, repeating for more than an hour “Forgive me everything, everything”.

Alas, dear parents! Everybody without exception shared the dolour of this unexpected disaster, friends, Christina, Stephan and all helpers still are inconsolable; all of our relatives and siblings who will get this horrible message very soon will be weeping bitterly for a long time over this irreplacable enormous loss, but they will eventually find relief from their pain.  Only you dear precious parents, and me the  husband of the most excellent creature, will no instance, no time ever deliver from this pain. I have loved this invaluable angel more than 10 years, not in confidence to gain possession of her, but with a hope not impossible to realize.

Finally there was the time to make long-nourished wishes true, I travelled to Ancona, alas, a year ago to bring the beautiful bride home, but no, to her grave. The subject of my adoration, 10 years desired, my lover, my wife, my guardian angel was allowed to me less than 10 months, now she is the Lord’s bride. She is in heaven and we unfortunates -- on this earth of mourning, in this deceiving joyless world. I will love her till my grave, but now hopeless on earth; only one hope is left to be reunited with her in one grave and in another world. Until the Lord helps me to this fortune I will continue living with her, try to guess her will and fulfill it faithfully and painstakingly according to my powers and so find little and poor comfort. I’ll do my timing all of the year related to her. My holidays will be the days meaningful to her or us, her birthday, her day of baptism, her confirmation, the day we first met, the day I first declared myself to her, the day of our separation in Berlin, the reunion in Ancona, our wedding day. The days when she led a serious conversation with me, gave me a fruitful advice, spoke to me a holy word will be my days of devotion. The correspondence with you will be part of these sweet duties, parents of my angel who is resting in God. 

Alas! I swear by her who adored you, who thought of you with burning desire till the end of her life, who had no wish but fulfilling your will completely, by the only and beloved daughter who is now watching us from above, to consider myself forever as your son, her orphaned husband, the most lamentable of all men, and will keep up the correspondence with you as faithful and reliable as your beloved passed away daughter did. There will not be the diversity like before, because why should you further be interested in Greece, which now keeps only the mortal remains, but no longer the beautiful soul of the precious child. But it will be of greatest interest for you, because for years I will be able to tell about the magnificent, the devotional, the loving, the brilliant I keep of her. And you too will always want to communicate about her to me. That is what I ask and confidentially expect of you in her blessed name, to continue your parental love for me, who will never stop to be connected with your daughter, as well as the regular correspondence like with her. Alas! Should there be little comfort thinkable, Bettina must always be considered as being alive with us, her death may not alter inner relations, everything must stay like she never stopped to be with us.

I realize that I did not yet continue the account of the cruel disease which I gave you only till the 18 of the month.

I told you in my last letter she was getting better, only suffering the so called bed-sore which had started healing,  there was no anxiety for her life anymore but a long convalescence to be expected; but this unfortunate abscess obviously had undermined all her life powers. The physicians (Dr. Röser and Ipitis) decided for a China decoction as a restorative agent, because out of exhaustion she developed a lethargy (meanwhile also Dr. Rösler became ill). The result were severe convulsions in the middle of the night; Ipitis helped again with calmatives, but a night or 2 later there were alarming palpitations; I didn’t know about this but was informed by the Bavarian nurse, like the doctor, 16 hours later (which was Friday, Aug 21, 6-7 o’clock in the evening). That evening the doctor did nothing about it. 

The following day (Saturday) he arrived only at half past 9 and ordered digitalis, finally at 6 in the afternoon he ordered a Spanish fly at her neck and another medicine, to stop the awful enlargement of her heart by diversion. These drugs arrived after 1 ½ hours from the king’s pharmacy which is rather far away. They were applied and seemed to show effects in the beginning (specially the Spanish fly); but this was a delusion, human help was too late anyway. After 8, her breathing started to get very hard, she couldn’t speak though she was obviously fully aware; at 11 her death struggle began, at 1 ½ after midnight the angel passed away repeating many times the words "Everything, everything, everything."

Madame Hill, who lives quite far away was informed immediately and she came right away with an older Englishwoman and with our Bavarian (or Wurttembergian) nurse Babett Wimmersberger washed the beautiful corpse, put her back on the bed where she had died and left.

The angel’s face was so lovely, so moving, so heavenly like I never saw one before, not only in the first hours after she had passed away but also the whole Monday (24) through until past midnight. Her beautiful eyes were closed like asleep, her mouth not fully closed so the pearls of her fair teeth could gleam; one could imagine she wants to speak or smile chastely and lovely like she often did. Only after midnight, i. e. after 24 hours decay began, a little blood and water flew out of her mouth, and in the morning (Tuesday) an odour was sensible, the eyes were not disfigured but the half moons under them a little distorted, the mouth and the beautiful front remained unaltered. The odour intensified but stayed tolerable.

The procession was to leave the house at 7 ½ in the morning and head for the church of St. Irene. Many friends who wanted to accompany the one in eternity came earlier and wanted to see her; the day before many had come to see her and admired the holy calm of her angel’s face; but the day of the funeral I did not give permission to see her anymore because on the occasion of speaking to me about the funeral of Minister Brockhausen Bettina once told me no unintentionally “ horrbile to see such a distorted corpse and to keep in mind such a displeasing impression, specially if the deceased is dear and precious to us. When I die, II would never want to be a subject of disgust. My body must only be seen as long as it is looking human.” On the occasion of the death of a little, in Greece born child of v. Lesuire she repeated this remark.

That is why I let nobody in and when the Greek clergy arrived I took only one priest into the room to read a short prayer after which I put the one in eternal immediately into the very beautiful coffin which was closed directly.

 
The procession then went to the church, Hill wearing his robe followed the Greek clergy. Inside the church (of Saint Irene) only the Greek priests (7 of them) said the prayers, then the procession set off again to the cemetery which is at least half an hour outside the city. On the way the odour increased because it was one of the hottest days (but also the last very hot one); the coffin was carried by 8 strong, very beautiful and very well dressed young men who rotated often.

Arriving, the coffin was put down in front of the grave, the Greek clergy said the last prayer, then Mr. Hill said the prayers of the Anglican Church with dignity and emotion and so the angel was buried in the earth. Her body now lies quietly beyond the temple of Jupiter and her beautiful soul has reached the  superior destination which she was longing for.
 
 
 Bettina, age 5.



Previous entries for  Bettina Schinas:
Copyright © Brigitte Eckert 2012


Ruth Steffen: Leben in Griechenland 1834–1835. Bettina Schinas, geb. von Savigny. Briefe und Berichte an ihre Eltern in Berlin. Verlag Cay Lienau, Münster 2002.   ISBN 3-934017-00-2.

26 September 2012

The Athens Plague of 1835


 
 Konstantinos Schinas in 1853 as Greek Minister to Munich

  
 In the summer of 1835, Athens was struck by an epidemic.  Bettina Schinas and her husband had recently moved there from Nauplion as he was prepared and waiting to be a member of the new government.  They had no income, which together with her homesickness, made Bettina increasingly worried and depressed, although they had ample savings and there was no danger of being poor.   Bettina was planning to build one or two houses, and was constantly looking for a good plot, being particularly interested in one next to the Kolettis plot above the Stoa of Attalos.

Meanwhile, they had rented a house outside Athens on the road to Piraeus.   It was isolated but their constant contacts in the city brought them the infection.  As usual, my gratitude to Brigitte Eckert for her patient translation of these letters. Schinas wrote Bettina's parents on 18 August:


* * * * * *
Dear precious parents!

You will be alarmed by not receiving some lines from Bettina’s hand now nor at the next occasion via Prokesch; as I resisted at least this time, and what could her trembling hand have written but a few words which would have weakened her even more and could not have pleased you, dear parents? Let me tell you now everything, believe me that I will not deprive you of the truth in any way.

In my last letter which was dispatched by Ms.  v. Lesuire I think, I told you Bettina has never before been as well and healthy, that she had gained weight, etc. This was the whole and real truth; she suffered sorrows, but physically she gained significantly and certainly she didn’t look as well in Berlin let alone in Ancona . . .

Recently an
epidemic descended on Athens and many other regions of Greece which might not not have been dangerous but obtained such a horrible commonality that in little time two-thirds [of Athens]  lay ill, and attendance and nursing became almost impossible, because the nurses were ill too. I was invited to the funeral procession of M. de Geouffre, père de M. le Prince de Comnène, close neighbours whose house is the only other one as far from the center of town as ours. Though I felt feeble, Bettina told me “you go and join a few minutes before the procession starts”, (which was according to the programme supposed to be at  4 o’clock) “and after the procession passes the corner of our garden you come back home.” I liked the idea so I went there before 4, but there was a delay until after 6 and I escaped the odour by standing on the balcony where I caught a bad sunstroke which turned into a remittent fever within 3 days, according to the symptoms of the year’s illnesses. 

Foreground, the Schinas house outside Athens, the de Geouffre house behind.

The 2nd day of my disease I was bled lying on the couch, walking to bed I fainted a little like always when I move after bleeding. I didn’t notice that loving Bettina was so alarmed she stayed all night awake in her dress, some time next to the window where she was writing a long time, some time next to my bed. The next day (a Friday) she felt a little unwell and went to bed, also to make up for the sleep she hadn’t got the night before.

Meanwhile Dr. Wibmer came to see me, found her in bed, and as she complained about an enduring costiveness he ordered a little rhubarb. (I think she already suffered a chill that day.) The medicine had no effect, the physician continued the treatment although she took little of the medicine he ordered, and she still was in good shape and lively but unfortunately spoke too much, and was too active off her bed, not only to the domestic helpers but also to the physician and several visitors who came to pay attention to her, specially Countess Saporta, Mr. v. Prokesch etc., which may have stimulated her too much. In addition I had 2 fierce, even alarming fever attacks and she heard from her room my involuntarily loud moans which made her of course suffer even more. 

Finally the doctor arrived Monday morning at 6 or 7 with Prokesch. Both explained we should leave the house for the healthier air in the upper part of  town, but also because of being in this remote area too far away from necessary human help. Prokesch offered 2 rooms which had been occupied before by his secretary, his kitchen and servants. The doctor said “Tomorrow I will come in Katakazi’s coach to get the gentleman and take him to his sister’s because his case is more urgent; in the meantime the rooms offered by Mr. v. Prokesch will be prepared and a bed arranged, the day after tomorrow she will be transported there.” 

So Wibmer came for me the following day, a Tuesday. Some minutes ago Christiane’s [the servant of the Savigny household whom B. had brought from Berlin] fever had started and she had gone to bed. This was the most disadvantageous circumstance: I, the husband, left or better became displaced, Bettina was suddenly deprived of nursing by her servant, and her noble but exaggerated humanity towards Christiane could endanger her own life. Thursday B.' fever was down, so the physician insisted on taking her to town in Prokesch’s closed coach this very day, though not to Prokesch’s rooms, but to the bigger, ampler building which Mr. Hill, an American, had offered to her. But Bettina didn’t agree, she didn’t want to leave Christiane without female aid though there were 2 helpers, a friend of our house and a physician, Dr. Weiss, to watch the night over the maid. This upset the plans. That night it was impossible to find a nurse and so Bettina stayed in the house of fever. 

The next day (Friday) Christiane was better, she could accompany her mistress to town, but B. was feverish again. The coach came with Madame Geraki. Bettina suffering fever and her menstrual period sat down with Christiane in the coach,  not considering the doctor’s order to make the journey only on a day without fever, and arrived exhausted at the above mentioned  house, where the loving Madame Hill and her sister were waiting for her to help her up the stairs and offer her any assistance. 

Since then B. kept the fever for 21 days from the first attack, then it ceased. These 21 days she was not allowed to ingest any food and did not long for it, after the fever stopped the doctor permitted a little chicken broth and she became much better, though the doctor had told us to expect an enduring convalescence. Then another calamity was ahead of us. Dr. Widmer became alarmingly ill. But my wife was in rather good shape and told me the 2nd day of Widmer’s indispostion “Tonight you’ll go to Prokesch to discuss this and this matter with him” so I was at Prokesch’s when I suddenly received Christiane's note: “Madame suddenly developed a very strong cough and is asking you  to send immediately for Dr. Ipitis” (whom Widmer recommended after getting ill).
 
I walked to him myself but he was suffering cold fever and therefore could not come this evening; tomorrow he would try his powers, so I sent the servant who had accompanied me with the lantern to Dr. Röser and went to see myself what was going on. I found Bettina very concerned about her cough. I advised her to sleep until the doctor would come but she didn’t want to, after an hour the servant came back and explained: he searched in vain a long time for Dr. Röser, when he finally found him and led him towards us, some military personnel fell into a lime pit before their very eyes, so the guard took him almost by force into the garrison to treat the injured, but he would follow here as soon as possible. As the doctor did not come until 1 o’clock after midnight I sent again for him; he had gone home and to bed; he had to dress again and visit us; he ordered something calming and told me, this is a slight pneumonia, in a day or 2 the cough would be somewhat over, but a so called subdelirium occured which quite startled him. He suggested a consultation with Dr. Ipitis and Dr. Treiber, but the last was ill, so that evening only Rösner and Ipitis met, which I preferred in Bettina’s sake, because Ipitis had been proposed by Wibmer but not Treiber. The two doctors ordered something and the cough soon stopped completely. 
 
But Ipitis now paid attention to her ranting from time to time suspecting it, together with a little fever, resulting in a bed-sore, a hard and painful abscess close to the anus after lying such a long time. At the time being this makes her suffering horribly  and prevents her of getting back her powers. She has lost a great deal of weight, though all symptoms are calming. This is our plan: if she revives soon, after the healing of the abscess we will travel to the Cyclades for a change of air, and as she is obviously also suffering homesickness we would come to Berlin even in autumn; but if it would prove not to be advisable, as the doctors think, for her weak thorax and after this serious illness to travel from a warm country into a cold at the beginning of winter, and her homesickness being enduring we might travel for her comfort to Ancona, where life is inexpensive and correspondence with you easier. The vicinity of Germany could be stimulating for her; in spring then, if essential, we could go to Berlin. But all this is in God’s hands. First of all the abscess must heal and Bettina gain strength again, so she can walk in her room. This is the true and pure report of the illness and our actual condition.

Everybody has behaved undescribably lovingly and compassionately towards us; physicians (the excellent Dr. Wibmer, the comparable competent and kind-hearted Dr. Röser, and the learned and experienced Dr. Ipitis) and individuals competed in helping Bettina; I hope she is on her way to recovery (though a long convalescence is ahead of her); but not humans, though they gave their most possible (also the servants, in particular Christiane and Stephan were like angels to my Bettina), only to Our Lord I owe the recovery of the most perfect of all wives: to him from whom all salvation is given I prayed a thousand times “Lord! I deserve your anger, castigate my own body, put me into the biggest misery, but give my Bettina soon recovery and stop her pain which she is baring with Christian patience.” This I hope from him in confidence.

Next time more comfort. I repeat: all I am telling you is pure truth, and don’t worry because she does not write herself, she wanted to write some words and even almost cried, but I didn’t give in, in particular because the doctors forbade it definitely.

Embracing you in childlike love
Sincerely, your son,
Schinas
Athens, 6/18 August 1835 *






 

*old/new dating



Previous entries for  Bettina Schinas:
Copyright © Brigitte Eckert 2012


Ruth Steffen: Leben in Griechenland 1834–1835. Bettina Schinas, geb. von Savigny. Briefe und Berichte an ihre Eltern in Berlin. Verlag Cay Lienau, Münster 2002.   ISBN 3-934017-00-2.

24 May 2012

Eustacio and the Franciscans of Nauplion


North side of Panagia, in Nauplion, originally a 15th-century
church, possibly the Franciscan church of S. Maria Val Verde.
Possibly not.


 Eustacio showed up the other night.  In my world it was 1491, and I hadn't seen him since 1483.  He was Bartolomeo Minio's cancellier,* which means that he maintained financial records and files, and wrote necessary documents for Minio's administration. He provided deeds, various legal papers, and letters in Italian and Greek for local clients.  They paid him for each individual service, and these examples from 1515 show what they paid.**
- for a letter, 3 aspri; for a letter within the territory, 2 aspri.
- for a document authenticating manumission of a slave, 1 ducat.
- for a document authenticating ownership of a slave, 3 hyperpera.
- for writing out the payroll for a ship, 2 marcelli; for a grippi, 2 aspri; for a barcha, 4 soldi.
- for an inventory of the deceased's possessions: moveable property 1/2 tornese per hyperper; for real estate, 1 aspro per hundred; for a fair copy on good paper, 2 aspri.

His documents moved into history: he wrote the Greek versions of the two boundary agreement that were accepted by Mehmed and Beyazid. So Eustacio should have been comfortable.  He was a survivor of the siege of Negroponte, but his wife and children were taken as slaves.  He had been able to redeem three daughters who needed dowries, but two daughters were still -- more than ten years later -- in Turkish possession.  

In addition to being Minio's cancellier, in 1475, the provveditor of the Venetian fleet and the Captain General had jointly appointed him as paymaster for the Greek and Albanian stratioti, and the Italian fanti

When the provveditor of the Venetian fleet arrived in Nauplion in late January of 1480/81, besides firing stratioti, and beating and humiliating some of the kapetanioi, he fired Eustacio -- two months before his appointment was to end -- and assigned his own cancellier as paymaster. This was a serious matter, because the paymaster took a cut from every salary paid, and Eustachio lost in some instances a good four years' worth of benefits. 

What these paycuts meant in actuality was that Minio thought a stratiote should have received 28 soldi for one pay, six times a year.  If Venice was overdue -- and it always was -- there may have been back pay, too.  From that 28 soldi, the Paymaster General back in Italy got 4 soldi and Eustacio was to get 2. When the provveditor put in his own paymaster, the new paymaster took Eustacio's 2 and then another 2 for himself.  So a stratiote could pay nearly a quarter of his salary for the privilege of having a salary at all.  

Minio says that this system was put into place by Valerio Chiericati during the war of 1463-78, when he was sent out to standardize the pay system across the Venetian territories.  I have never been so close to a storming-the-Bastille-and-Winter-Palace mood as I the day was when I was in Vicenza and saw the Chiericati palazzo, the eventual celebration of grinding down Nauplion -- and many other -- stratioti and fanti and soldati.

Minio began writing to Venice about this outrage to his cancellier, and although it took more than two years, Minio managed to get Eustacio's money repaid and, in fact, the payment was put into the hands of Minio's brother-in-law, galley captain Piero Trevisan, to bring to Nauplion.***

In 1491, two Franciscan friars were sent to Nauplion.  There had been no Latin clergy in Nauplion since 1487, and nothing tells us what was going on -- if anything -- in the little Latin churches.  In an effort to remedy this problem, the Senato Mar formally gave possession of the church, friary, land, and houses of S. Maria Val Verde in Nauplion to the Franciscan Minister of the Province of Greece.****  The Senato also provided the first year's expenses for the friars.

When the friars arrived, they found the house where they were to live a calamitatem, there was no place else suitable, and they had no way of building a new house.  They complained to the Nauplion governor, provveditor, probably Giovanni Nani.

A petition was sent to the Senato -- the petitioners are not identified in the Senato document -- which said that since a staff chaplain, capellan, for the provveditor cost 48 ducats a year, that money could be used to build a house for the friars, and then provide for their necessities.  Also, the provveditor would like two more friars to be sent.  He wanted to be able to have Mass said for him and his staff in his own house in the fortifications on Akro-Nauplion, or in church.  The provveditor and the Nauplion council were in agreement with the petitioners.  The Senate approved the petition on 15 December 1491, which is the document I have.

We have almost no information about Latin churches in Nauplion.  There was a Franciscan convent at Myloi in 1450. (Here, #6.)  There was a S. Anastasio on the plateia and a S. Veneranda outside the walls in 1500, and a S. Niccolo (which could have been a Ag. Nikolaos) on the waterfront in 1480. (The dates are the dates of my documents, and don't suggest anything about when the churches appeared.  The Camoccio map shows a number of churches, all certainly small, but they cannot all be Latin rite.

Nauplion's Panagia has been shown to be a 15th-century church, and it is my own prejudice after living beside it for two years that the street organization in its vicinity derives from its origin as a conventual church, and so Franciscan. {Domenicans were never in Nauplion despite what guidebooks  have claimed.]  

[I would be grateful for information from anyone who has knowledge of the archaeological findings that made it 15th-C -- what I know comes from a tiny sign on the rear of the church.]

 South side, remains of earlier arch.

As the photographs indicate, Panagia has been built and rebuilt to such an extent that the original appearance is speculative, though it surely looked like these little churches from Camoccio, or a very small version of Ag. Pareskevi in Chalkida:


 It has been through periods as a mosque, and about 1700 the Venetians reconfigured the roof to give it the flat ceiling customary at the period.  But we don't know if Panagia was S. Maria Val Verde.

The connection between the friars and Eustacio is that he is identified in the Senato document as writing the Nauplion petition.  The petition is so clearly worked out in detail,with all the possible bases for objection covered, that you can see the careful work of the man Minio wrote about during the early 1480s.  It was Eustacio who allowed me to identify Minio's handwriting: the manuscript of the Minio letters is written in four different hands, closely related. There are occasional glosses in the margin written in one of the hands, and you can see how that works in the printed version of the Minio letters, say on page 101 here. Eustacio's name never appears in the letters, but in the margin of Letter XXVII, the gloss says about my Eustacio, cancellier and collateral. That my Eustacio -- mio Eustacio -- identified Minio's handwriting is not an earth-shaking discovery in many worlds, but it was exciting for me after so many years of living with the letters. After finding this document, he is mio Eustacio, too.




* Bartolomeo Minio's letters about Nauplion between 1479 and 1483 are here.
** These can be found in volume 4 of Sathas, 216-217, here
*** Possibly as a result of the Eustacio affair, the Senato declared in 1485 that no cancellier could hold his position under the same governor for more than two years. Obviously, Eustacio had been rehired.
**** S. Marie Vallis Viridis in the document. The mother house was  in Venice, in Cannaregio.  The Franciscan Minister of the Province of Greece who had to handle the matter of sending Franciscans to Nauplion in 1491 was Gratiano of Brescia.

Brigitte Eckert took the photographs.