The maximum once more.
--Mr. Christain, of Middlesex, made a very strong speech in opposition to this measure in the Senate on Tuesday. It is said to have had the very unusual effect of changing several votes which but for it would have been affirmative, and of fixing in the negative several others, which were considered doubtful. We know not how far this may be true; it is such an uncommon occurrence that we are disposed to be skeptical. Nevertheless, the speech was a very able one, and was listened to with marked attention.Mr. Christian, in the commencement of his speech, exposed the shallow assumption that the laws of political science did not apply to us, because we are blockaded and shut out from intercourse with the rest of the world. He maintained that the laws of trade and currency were of universal application; in this Confederacy, thinly settled and struggling for its existence, as well as in the Empire of Russia, spreading from ocean to ocean, across two continents, and embracing a fourth part of the surface of the globe, and a fifteenth part of the inhabitants thereof. He maintained that any departure therefrom would as surely bring disaster to the country making the experiment as disease would bring death upon the patient unless arrested in its course. It is refreshing to hear truth so well stated and so firmly maintained in the midst of so much false reasoning and so much senseless quackery.
The friends of this bill have been in the habit of arguing that because the impressment law has worked well, this law, which is impressment in another shape, must work well likewise. Persons who reason thus seem incapable of making a distinction. If the impressment law works well, which, as it is at present administered, seems at least doubtful, it is because the interest of every citizen is involved in its success. Men will cheerfully give up to the Government everything they possess, when they know it is to be used for the defence of their lives, their homes, their all, against a cruel and vindictive enemy.--But they can see no justice in being compelled to make the like sacrifices, in favor of fellow-citizens who are not in the army, and do not contribute any more than themselves to the defence of the country. The feeling of the whole country is, everything for defence. The army must be fed and clothed, although it cost the last dollar we have upon earth; and, in that spirit and with that object in view, they overlook many things in the execution of the impressment law that might otherwise be objectionable. But the case is very different with an impressment law to feed and clothe persons who are not in the service. They can see no reason why these persons should not be called on to make some sacrifice as well as they. Take an example furnished by Mr. Christian: Cotton cloth is put down in the impressment schedule at 42 cents. The same cloth sells in this city for $2.50 and costs the owner $1.50. Here is a dead loss of $1.10 on the yard; and as the impressment of the article is very large, it is plain that the loss must be very great, unless it can be made up by sales to the people at large. These sales range from $2.50 to $3 per yard, obviously leaving but a reasonable profit.-- Now, if the bill before the Senate pass into a law, and that law be applied to this branch of industry so as to reduce the current prices very considerably, it is obvious that the manufacture must be discontinued. Then what becomes of the mechanics engaged in it? It is equally obvious that they must be thrown out of employment. There being no restriction in North Carolina, the manufacture will be transferred to that State, and the workmen will follow. We have selected one article in the schedule. The same remarks are applicable to all. By this Jaw we drive capital from the State, and labor and mechanical skill must follow. The manufacturer cannot and will not make for the public the same sacrifice he has made for the Government.
Several causes conspire to render prices exorbitantly high at this period. 1st. The depreciation of the currency, which must be restored to a sound condition before prices can be reduced to their normal state. There are several propositions now before the country which, it is hoped, will be considered by the next Congress as speedily as it may be possible after its meeting. 2d. There is a real scarcity in the country, owing to the floods, the Yankees, and other causes, with which the public is familiar. 3d. The operation of the impressment law, which, although necessary, bears very severely upon the markets. 4th. So far as this city is concerned, the maximum which the millers have established, and which seems to have entirely suspended the influx of wheat. This law will cure none of these evils. On the contrary, it will render perpetual what is now but temporary. It may be possible to fix a maximum with success upon the commodities now here; the commissioners may go to the grocer who has bacon for sale and put the price upon it; or to the dry goods merchant, or the shoemaker, or the hatter, and do the same thing. If the man be refractory they can put him on oath, or call upon spies and informers to hand him over to the law. The goods he now has they can get; but he will be pretty certain not to lay in a fresh supply. And so it is in the country. The commissioners may go to the farmer and make him swear to his number of bushels or barrels, and they can set the price on them; but can they make him put another crop in the ground, or raise more hogs, or sheep, or cattle? They may rip the goose, but can they make her lay any more golden eggs? An army of spies and informers will traverse the country-- domiciliary visits will become universal — military force will soon be applied — the multiplication of oaths (in itself a great objection to any law requiring it) will lead to a multiplication of perjuries — hatred, ill will, and general dissatisfaction will ensue — frauds and evasions of the law will become common — and a general corruption of morals will be the inevitable consequence. It is vain to say that these things cannot occur here, because our people are too moral to endure them. Our people are men, and human nature is the same everywhere and in all time. What has happened elsewhere will happen here under the same circumstances. If our people are a moral people now, we are taking the very means to make them the opposite to this. "Lead us not into temptation"was the prayer of Him who, alone of all men that ever existed, understood the nature of the frail beings whose form he put on. Wise legislators have always carefully avoided laws which lead to a multiplication of oaths. This bill encourages all the evils which it should be the care of the legislator to suppress as far as possible — hatred, malice, perjury, fraud, violence, and murder. Well was it likened by Mr. Robertson to the box of Pandora.
P. S.--A test vote was taken yesterday on the first clause of the bill. It was rejected by a large majority. This renders the defeat of the bill itself absolutely certain. We congratulate the country upon the issue.
