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The debate in the Senate on printing the Inaugural.

Mr. Clingman said in voting for the resolution he did not wish to be understood as endorsing the positions of the Inaugural. If he understood correctly, for all in it was dark the purpose which seemed to stand out clearly and directly, if carried out, would lead to a war against the Confederate States. The policy indicated was therefore unwise, and should be avoided. The President expressly declares that be intends to treat the States as if they were all in the Union, and he regards the acts of secession as nullities. Certain States claim to be independent, and if the President acts as he enunciates, there can be no result except collision between them and the Federal Government. It is plain and unmistakable that he intends to hold and occupy and possess the forts, arsenals, etc., in these seceded States, when we know this can be done only by dispossessing the State authorities.

The collection of the revenue therein must also lead to a collision of arms. After we declared our independence of Great Britain, nobody supposed the Colonies would pay taxes. In fact, they refused to pay before the Declaration of Independence. He repeated, that if the President's policy would be carried out there must inevitably be war.

Mr. Douglas said he could not consent that the Senator's remarks should go out unanswered. He had read the Inaugural carefully, with a view of understanding what the policy of the Administration is to be, as there in indicated. It is characterized by great ability and with great distinctness on certain points. A critical analysis is necessary to arrive at the true construction. He had partially made an analysis, and had come to the conclusion that it was a peace rather than a war message. He had examined it candidly and critically, and he though there was no foundation for a different opinion. On the contrary, there is a distinct pledge that the policy of the Administration shall be conducted exclusively with reference to a peaceful solution of our national difficulties. It is true the President indicates a certain line of policy, so to be conducted as to lead to a peaceful solution, but it was not as explicit as he (Mr. Douglas) desired. He then quoted from the Inaugural in support of his positions, saying that unless the means be furnished the President cannot execute the laws. He thought the President in his remarks on the subject was referring to future action of Congress giving power to enforce obedience to them.

The President must have been aware that in 1832 a law was passed to enable Gen. Jackson to enforce the revenue laws in the port of Charleston. The act expired in two years. --Was it to be supposed that Mr. Lincoln thought he had more power without than Gen. Jackson had with the aid of legislation? He repeated that when the President pledges himself to collect the revenue and enforce the laws, unless Congress withhold the requisite means, is he not to be understood that his act is dependent on the further course of Congress?

He thought that was the proper construction of the Inaugural, for the President says he shall perform his duty "so far as practicable, unless his rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct to the contrary."

The President further says:

‘ "The power confided to me will be used to hold, and occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties on imports, but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere."

’ The President does not say he will take and hold, occupy and possess them. This was equivocal language, but he did not condemn the President for it. "Beyond what may be necessary " for these objects, there will be no irritation, no using of force among the people anywhere. It is the duty of the President to enforce the revenue laws. It is his duty to enforce the other laws. It cannot be justified that the revenue laws be enforced, and all other laws which afford protection as a compensation for taxes shall not be enforced.

He thought that there were two forms in which they could find a solution of these doubts. The President says: "Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people, for that object."

The President draws a distinction between the exterior and interior. If he has power in one case, he has power in the other. If it is his duty in one case to enforce the laws, it is his duty in the other. There was no provision of law which authorizes a distinction in this respect between places in the interior and on the seaboard.

This brought him to the construction of another clause — the most important of all, and the key to the entire policy; but he was rejoiced when he read it. He invited attention to it, as showing conclusively that the President is pledged to a policy which looks to a peaceful solution of our difficulties, and against all others. He says: ‘"The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with the view and the hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. "’ In other words, the President says if the collection of the revenue will lead to a peaceful solution, then it will be collected. If the abandonment of the collection will have that effect, then it will be abandoned.--So of the forts and arsenals in the seceding States. He will recapture or not recapture them, and will reinforce or not reinforce Forts Sumter and Pickens. He is pledged in either case to a peaceful policy and to acting with this view. If this is not the true construction, why was there not inserted a pledge to use coercion, retake the forts, recapture the arsenals, collect the revenue and enforce the laws, unless there was attached to each one a condition on which the pledge was to be carried out? But the pledge is only to do it in order to a peaceful solution, and for no other cause.

Without disposing of the question, the Senate went into Executive session, and, after a short time spent therein, adjourned till tomorrow.

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