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England Gladstone (search for this): chapter 23
laborate paper to the State Department which was doubtless in part drawn up by Mr. Sumner. This was proposed as the draft or basis of Motley's instructions as envoy to England. The document was written in a spirit and tone that would have been highly offensive to England; it was entirely unacceptable to Mr. Fish and to General Grant, both of whom had conceived the idea of a pacific policy looking to an adjustment of our differences with England that might be agreeable to both nations. Mr. Gladstone had just come into power at the head of a liberal government, including such friends of the Union as Bright, Forster, and the Duke of Argyll; and the American Administration thought it might make terms with these without assuming an offensive attitude. The memoir which Mr. Motley presented was therefore rejected. At this Mr. Sumner was very indignant. As Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs he supposed himself entitled to dictate, or at least control, the foreign poli
as he pleased, and not as the President desired; more than this, he regarded it, after all that had occurred, as a personal discourtesy and defiance. Mr. Motley's friend was not appointed, so that he lost what he wanted, as well as the regard of the President. A day or two after the letter arrived Grant asked his Cabinet if any one of them had a man he wanted to send to London in my stead. The place had not been known to be vacant, and at first no name was mentioned; but after a while Mr. Cresswell, the Postmaster-General, suggested Mr. E. R. Nadal, and that gentleman, who was utterly unknown to Motley, received the appointment. Young Mr. Fish, at General Grant's suggestion, was sent as Secretary to Berlin, where the Minister was less recalcitrant. During the winter nothing further was done about Motley; but the President received from several sources reports in regard to the Minister's social treatment of Americans which displeased him. I fancy the stories were exaggerated, b
se with Motley was brought about through me. Mr. Motley made my acquaintance at Newport in 1868. He it was made, and allowed me to announce it to Motley. This was a great gratification to me, and of course Motley was delighted. He at once, however, begged me to remember that despite our intimacy ing an offensive attitude. The memoir which Mr. Motley presented was therefore rejected. At thises obedient and others deferential; and though Motley was not as yet at fault, Sumner's course both voyage. I was to take the same steamer with Motley, and a few days before we started I asked the conduct to the extraordinary sensitiveness of Motley. He had shown in one or two instances a pettyand that gentleman, who was utterly unknown to Motley, received the appointment. Young Mr. Fish, atand there he told me that he meant to remove Mr. Motley. This was on the 15th of May, nearly two moot often condone. The crisis finally came. Motley was living in Lord Yarborough's house, in Arli[42 more...]
During the winter nothing further was done about Motley; but the President received from several sources reports in regard to the Minister's social treatment of Americans which displeased him. I fancy the stories were exaggerated, but it was said that Motley ignored his compatriots, and that his deference for the aristocracy was sadorned his position that I should have been glad to see him remain. I told him he ought to do every thing in his power to cultivate American society; to invite Americans to his house, to make himself liked by them. He took my advice after a fashion; held Saturday receptions for Americans and made a Fourth of July party for them.Americans and made a Fourth of July party for them. But it did no good, for he asked no English to meet them, and the Americans felt themselves excluded from the society to which their Minister was admitted as their representative. I also urged Motley, if he was anxious to please the President, to make much of the envoys of the Central and South American Republics. I thought if
Adam Badeau (search for this): chapter 23
et he was in small things as well as great utterly lacking in the diplomatic character. Lord Houghton once said of him that he was a historian, not a diplomatist; he was used to meting out praise and blame to Governments and could not understand that he was to take orders from them. This soon became evident again. A month or two after my return I resigned my post of Assistant Secretary at London, and resumed my duties at the White House. When this was decided the President said to me: Badeau, I wish you would write to Mr. Motley and say I would like him to nominate as your successor Mr. Nicholas Fish, the son of the Secretary of State. Mr. Fish does not know of this, and might feel delicate about appointing or asking me to appoint his son. I wish to surprise him, and Mr. Motley will have the chance to gratify both me and the Secretary of State. I wrote of course promptly to the Minister, but he declined to comply with the President's wish. He had another man whom he preferred
eatly shocked, and I was myself surprised, for I had thought from the delay that the President's feeling might have been mitigated. Motley himself acknowledged that he had erred the year before, but he held that his offense had been condoned. But Grant did not often condone. The crisis finally came. Motley was living in Lord Yarborough's house, in Arlington Street, one of the most sumptuous in London; he was entertaining sovereigns, his halls were filled with Titians and Murillos and Van Dykes. I recollect a dinner just before he fell at which D'Israeli, the Duke of Devonshire, the Rothschilds, and thirty or forty others of the highest position in London were present, and the grace and urbanity with which he received and arranged the splendid company were remarked by all. He held no memorandum in his hand, but stood at the centre of his long table which was gleaming with silver and lights, and pointed to each aristocratic guest where he should sit and whom he should place besi
rom the delay that the President's feeling might have been mitigated. Motley himself acknowledged that he had erred the year before, but he held that his offense had been condoned. But Grant did not often condone. The crisis finally came. Motley was living in Lord Yarborough's house, in Arlington Street, one of the most sumptuous in London; he was entertaining sovereigns, his halls were filled with Titians and Murillos and Van Dykes. I recollect a dinner just before he fell at which D'Israeli, the Duke of Devonshire, the Rothschilds, and thirty or forty others of the highest position in London were present, and the grace and urbanity with which he received and arranged the splendid company were remarked by all. He held no memorandum in his hand, but stood at the centre of his long table which was gleaming with silver and lights, and pointed to each aristocratic guest where he should sit and whom he should place beside him. His handsome, intellectual face was lighted up with pl
Frelinghuysen (search for this): chapter 23
nd royal and aristocratic connections in every way. Still he asked me to write to the President what he was doing, and I complied. But it was of no avail. In July he read in the newspapers rumors of his recall, and of the appointment of Mr. Frelinghuysen in his place. He was greatly shocked, and I was myself surprised, for I had thought from the delay that the President's feeling might have been mitigated. Motley himself acknowledged that he had erred the year before, but he held that hiss post was required of him. He was requested to resign, and, unfortunately for his dignity, refused. The Tenure of Office act was still in force under which Stanton had held on in spite of Johnson, and Motley availed himself of it now. After Frelinghuysen declined the place, it was offered to Morton of Indiana, who was also unable to accept it, but Motley remained against the wishes of his own Government; of course discredited both in society and at court; with no important business whatever e
instructions as envoy to England. The document was written in a spirit and tone that would have been highly offensive to England; it was entirely unacceptable to Mr. Fish and to General Grant, both of whom had conceived the idea of a pacific policy looking to an adjustment of our differences with England that might be agreeable to both nations. Mr. Gladstone had just come into power at the head of a liberal government, including such friends of the Union as Bright, Forster, and the Duke of Argyll; and the American Administration thought it might make terms with these without assuming an offensive attitude. The memoir which Mr. Motley presented was therefore rejected. At this Mr. Sumner was very indignant. As Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs he supposed himself entitled to dictate, or at least control, the foreign policy of the Government, and he would indeed be able to thwart or advance it in an unusual degree. He had been a life-long intimate and personal fr
fference with the State Department, but I said at once to Mr. Moran, the First Secretary of Legation, that the Minister woulderal Grant would not endure disobedience in a subordinate. Moran agreed with me as to the disobedience. Motley indeed had sritish Government prevented it from resenting on the spot. Moran and I talked over the matter. I was greatly grieved, for iew with Lord Clarendon, the result that I had predicted to Moran occurred. The President at first insisted on the immediate leave. When I found I was to return I talked again with Moran about our chief. I was anxious to do the Minister a servicntrary. The British Minister for Foreign Affairs said to Mr. Moran about this time, and Moran told it to me, that he would nMoran told it to me, that he would not have retained a subordinate a day after the first letter that Motley had written in disobedience of his instructions. F Government could report its action, the First Secretary, Mr. Moran, was directed to assume charge of the Legation; and as Mo
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