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Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
rity to accept the services of such volunteers as may offer their services for the purpose mentioned. Thus all hostile action for the recovery of the forts already seized was excluded from the bill. It is difficult to conceive what reasonable objection could be made to this bill, except that it did not go far enough and embrace the forts already seized; and more especially as when it was reported we may recollect that the Confederate Congress had already been ten days in session at Montgomery, Alabama, and had adopted a Provisional Constitution. Notwithstanding all this, the House refused to act upon it. The bill was discussed on several occasions until Tuesday, 26th February. On that day a motion was made by Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, to postpone its consideration until Thursday, the 28th February. Con. Globe, 1232. Mr. Stanton, the reporter of the bill, resisted this motion, stating that such a postponement would be fatal to it. It will, said he, be impossible after that to have i
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
hat the revenue still continues to be collected as heretofore at the custom house in Charleston, he says that should the collector unfortunately resign, a successor may be appointed to perform this duty. The collector (William F. Colcock) continued faithfully to perform his duties until some days after the State had seceded, when at the end of December he resigned. The President, immediately afterwards, on the 2d January, nominated to the Senate, as his successor, Mr. Peter McIntire, of Pennsylvania, a gentleman well qualified for the office. The selection could not have been made from South Carolina, because no citizen of that State would have accepted the appointment. The Senate, throughout their entire session, never acted upon the nomination of Mr. McIntire; and without a collector of customs duly appointed, it was rendered impossible for the.President, under any law in existence, to collect the revenue. But even if the Senate had confirmed Mr. McIntire's nomination, it is e
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
s or defend the Government they decline to revive the authority of the Federal Judiciary in South Carolina, suspended by the resignation of all the judicial officers they refuse authority to call fos of compromise. 1. At the meeting of Congress a Federal Judiciary had ceased to exist in South Carolina The District Judge, the District Attorney, and the United States Marshal had resigned their re the Senate to refer it to a vote of the people of the States, would share the same fate. South Carolina and Florida had already seceded, and the other cotton States had called Conventions for the in the way of executing the [existing] laws for the collection of customs on the seaboard of South Carolina as had been interposed to prevent the administration of justice under the Federal authority nia, a gentleman well qualified for the office. The selection could not have been made from South Carolina, because no citizen of that State would have accepted the appointment. The Senate, througho
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
olunteers, to suppress insurrections against the United States, and it was never proposed to grant an appropriabefore the act of secession, and the laws of the United States could no longer be enforced through their agencyoccur in any State against the Government of the United States. It may appear strange that this power had not sing insurrections against the Government of the United States. If any thing were required beyond a mere inspelunteers, to suppress insurrections against the United States, whenever or wherever they might occur. This waceded, the forts, arsenals, and magazines of the United States have been seized. This is by far the most serio, magazines, arsenals, and other property of the United States; and to recover possession of such of these as hse of insurrections against the authority of the United States, with the additional authority to accept the ser necessary to suppress insurrections against the United States; but the Senate, by refusing to confirm his nomi
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
uage: But the dangerous and hostile attitude of the States toward each other has already far transcended and cast: in the shade the ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, and has assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place the subject entirely above and beyond executive control The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the midst of a great revolution. In all its various bearings, therefore, I commend the question to Congress, as the only human tribunal, under Providence, possessing the power to meet the existing emergency. To them exclusively belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment of military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution; and they alone possess the power to remove grievances which might lead to war, and to secure peace and union to this distracted country. On them, and on them alone, rests the responsibility. Congress might, had they thought proper, have regarded the forcible seizure of these forts and
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 9
ostponement would be fatal to it. It will, said he, be impossible after that to have it passed by the Senate (before the 4th March). He, therefore, demanded the ayes and noes; and notwithstanding his warning, Mr. Corwin's motion prevailed by a vote of 100 to 74, and thus the bill was defeated. It may be proper to observe that Mr. Corwin, whose motion killed the bill, was a confidential friend of the President elect, then present in Washington, and was soon thereafter appointed minister to Mexico. But even had Congress passed this bill, it would have proved wholly inefficient for want of an appropriation to carry it into effect. The Treasury was empty; but had it been full, the President could not have drawn from it any, even the most trifling sum, without a previous appropriation by law. The union of the purse with the sword, in the hands of the Executive, is wholly inconsistent with the idea of a free government. The power of the legislative branch to withhold money from the E
Michigan (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
vitable. This had become the more necessary as Congress would soon expire, and the new Congress could not be convened for a considerable period after the old one had ceased to exist, because a large portion of the Representatives had not then been elected. These reasons, however, produced no effect. The President's special message Con. Globe, p. 316. was referred, two days after its date (10th January), by the House of Representatives to a special committee, of which Mr. Howard, of Michigan, was chairman. Nothing was heard from this committee for the space of twenty days. They then, on the 30th January, through Mr. John H. Reynolds, of New York, one of its members, reported a bill Ibid., p. 645, bills of H. R., No. 698 enabling the President to call forth the militia or to accept the services of volunteers for the purpose of protecting the forts, magazines, arsenals, and other property of the United States; and to recover possession of such of these as has been or may here
Corwin (search for this): chapter 9
standing all this, the House refused to act upon it. The bill was discussed on several occasions until Tuesday, 26th February. On that day a motion was made by Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, to postpone its consideration until Thursday, the 28th February. Con. Globe, 1232. Mr. Stanton, the reporter of the bill, resisted this motion, stahe, be impossible after that to have it passed by the Senate (before the 4th March). He, therefore, demanded the ayes and noes; and notwithstanding his warning, Mr. Corwin's motion prevailed by a vote of 100 to 74, and thus the bill was defeated. It may be proper to observe that Mr. Corwin, whose motion killed the bill, was a cMr. Corwin, whose motion killed the bill, was a confidential friend of the President elect, then present in Washington, and was soon thereafter appointed minister to Mexico. But even had Congress passed this bill, it would have proved wholly inefficient for want of an appropriation to carry it into effect. The Treasury was empty; but had it been full, the President could not
Benjamin Stanton (search for this): chapter 9
otion it was recommitted, and thus killed as soon as it saw the light. It was never heard of more. Then, after another pause of nineteen days, and only a fortnight before the close of the session, the Committee on Military Affairs, through Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, their chairman, on the 18th February reported another bill Ibid., p. 1001, bill 1003, H. R. on the subject, but of a more limited character than that which had been withdrawn. It is remarkable that it contains no provision touchiouse refused to act upon it. The bill was discussed on several occasions until Tuesday, 26th February. On that day a motion was made by Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, to postpone its consideration until Thursday, the 28th February. Con. Globe, 1232. Mr. Stanton, the reporter of the bill, resisted this motion, stating that such a postponement would be fatal to it. It will, said he, be impossible after that to have it passed by the Senate (before the 4th March). He, therefore, demanded the ayes and noe
House (search for this): chapter 9
e act of secession, and the laws of the United States could no longer be enforced through their agency. We have already seen that the President, in his message, called the attention of Congress to this subject, but no attempt was made in either House to provide a remedy for the evil. 2. Congress positively refused to pass a law conferring on the President authority to call forth the militia, or accept the services of volunteers, to suppress insurrections which might occur in any State againsw. It is, therefore, apparent that even if this bill had become a law, it could not have been carried into effect by the President without a direct violation of the Constitution. Notwithstanding these insuperable obstacles, no member of either House, throughout the entire session, ever even proposed to raise or appropriate a single dollar fbr the defence of the Government against armed rebellion. Congress not only refused to grant the President the authority and force necessary to suppress
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