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Benjamin F. Butler (search for this): chapter 1
the cause and cure of the war, the relation of Lib. 31.70, 74. the anti-slavery cause to the war, the offer of General Benjamin F. Butler to suppress slave insurrections (if Lib. 31.78, 82. any should occur) in Maryland, the bewilderment of mind ofe years before, and the North was Ante, 2.75; Lib. 31.74, 90. warned that peace without freedom would be no peace. Gen. Butler's gratuitous offer to use his Massachusetts troops in putting down any slave insurrection was still eliciting the indier, do not also shout, Down with Slavery! I am not discouraged because kidnapping has been permitted in Chicago, and General Butler has played so infamous a part in Maryland, and slaves have been driven from Fort Pickens, and even Greeley has talkedthem from their deadliest curse—that is Christian. In August, the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, in a letter to General Butler, cited the Act of Congress Lib. 31.131. approved on the 6th of that month, by which slaves Wilson's Anti-Slavery Me
James M. Mason (search for this): chapter 1
of the philanthropic people of the North, and a few weeks later it was seriously accepted and grappled with; but the last weeks of the year were absorbed in exultation over the victory on the Carolina coast and the seizure of the rebel emissaries Mason and Slidell on the steamer Trent. That the chief promoter of the Fugitive Slave Law should himself be James M. Mason. incarcerated in a Boston fort seemed a rare bit of poetic justice, and it was natural that Mr. Phillips's allusion to it in hiJames M. Mason. incarcerated in a Boston fort seemed a rare bit of poetic justice, and it was natural that Mr. Phillips's allusion to it in his lecture (on The War) at New York, in Dec. 19. December, should be rapturously applauded. The lecture itself occupied seven columns of the Liberator, and is referred Lib. 31.206. to in the following letter from Mr. Garrison to Oliver Johnson: You will see in the Liberator, this week, the speech of Mr. Ms. Dec. 26, 1861. Phillips, delivered at New York, as revised and corrected by himself. And such revision, correction, alteration, and addition you never saw, in the way of emendation
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 1
the state of the country, he finally voted against making any proposition whatever (Lib. 31: 13; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, 3: 106). Mr. Seward, speaking in the U. S. Senate, Jan. 12 both houses of Congress, a large number of Republicans voting in its favor: Senators Sumner, Wilson, Wade, and others in both houses of Congress were firm in resisting every step towards compromise; but even Senator Wilson spoke so apologetically concerning the Massachusetts Personal Liberty Law, in his speech of Feb. 21, in the U. S. Senate, that Mr. Garrison was compelled to criticise him shitutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State. Wilson's Rise and Fall of Slave Power, 3.104. The answer of the South to this last act of cowardiceler, cited the Act of Congress Lib. 31.131. approved on the 6th of that month, by which slaves Wilson's Anti-Slavery Measures in Congress, pp. 14-16. employed in the military and naval service of th
December 13th (search for this): chapter 1
tantly criticising what he has spoken, and pays no regard to literal accuracy. This speech will be eagerly read, as it touches ably upon many interesting points. Gerrit Smith at Peterboroa, and Charles Sumner at Washington, both write to me in discouraging tones as to the prospects before us. The Administration has neither pluck nor definite purpose. What tremendous events will hinge upon an actual war with England! Mss. G. S., Dec. 23, 1861; C. S., Dec. 22. In the Liberator for December 13, the passage from John Quincy Adams on the iniquity of the three-fifths representation clause in the Constitution, which had so long stood at the head of the first page (replaced for a time by a corresponding extract from Dr. Channing) was supplanted by Adams's declaration of the war-powers of the Government with respect to slavery; and the shibboleth, The United States Constitution is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell, gave way to the command, Proclaim Liberty throughout a
Paul (search for this): chapter 1
. The weapons resorted to, on both sides, are the same; yet it is impossible not to wish success to the innocent, and defeat to the guilty party. But, in so doing, we do not compromise either our anti-slavery or our peace principles. On the contrary, we wish all the North were able to adopt those principles, understandingly, heartily, and without delay; but, according to the structure of the human mind, in the whirlwind of the present deadly conflict, this is impracticable. As, therefore, Paul said to the Jews who would not accept of the new dispensation, Ye that are under the law, do ye not hear the law? Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things written in the book of the law to do them —so we measure those who, rejecting the doctrine of non-resistance, profess to believe in the right and duty of maintaining their freedom by the sword. The worst thing they can do is to be recreant to their own convictions in such a crisis as this. But this is, obviously, not the
Baptist (search for this): chapter 1
work them under the lash without wages, buy and sell them in lots to suit purchasers, and subject them to every species of brutal violence as passion or cupidity prompted, and still not forfeit their claim to be honest, upright, high-minded men! Nay, for abolitionists to brand them as robbers of God's poor and needy, and the basest of oppressors, was to deal in abusive language, and to manifest a most unchristian spirit! For were they not exemplary and beloved Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Methodist brethren, whose piety was unquestionable, whose zeal for the Lord was worthy of all praise, whose revivals of religion were preeminently owned and blessed of Heaven? Were they not the very pinks of Democracy, and the most courtly and chivalrous of gentlemen? But as soon as they began to seize forts, arsenals, custom-houses, and mints belonging to the general Government, to lay their piratical hands upon Northern property, to repudiate their entire Northern indebtedness, and
Gerrit Smith (search for this): chapter 1
sity, and P. T. Barnum, the showman, J. M. W. Yerrinton. Winchell suggested having them photographed! But P. desired to make his speech as complete and full as he could, and I am glad you are to receive it without being put to any trouble about it. Doubtless, you will be requested to make some new alterations; for he is constantly criticising what he has spoken, and pays no regard to literal accuracy. This speech will be eagerly read, as it touches ably upon many interesting points. Gerrit Smith at Peterboroa, and Charles Sumner at Washington, both write to me in discouraging tones as to the prospects before us. The Administration has neither pluck nor definite purpose. What tremendous events will hinge upon an actual war with England! Mss. G. S., Dec. 23, 1861; C. S., Dec. 22. In the Liberator for December 13, the passage from John Quincy Adams on the iniquity of the three-fifths representation clause in the Constitution, which had so long stood at the head of the first pa
John A. Andrew (search for this): chapter 1
n, and, in the last act of his truckling official life, Gov. N. P. Banks. But his successor John A. Andrew, triumphantly elected in spite of Lib. 30.178. his having presided over a meeting in aid of and preserved the peace, for the police force was ample. Mr. Phillips appealed in person to Gov. Andrew, hoping that he would use the militia, and do, in the name of the State, what the recreant Ma. Lib. 31.38. It was not without a little surprise, after the election of Mr. Lincoln and Gov. Andrew, that Mr. Garrison found himself frequently appealed to by aspirants for office under the new some reluctance to recommend two or three persons whom he believed worthy and competent to Governor Andrew, at the same time apologizing for doing so. The Governor promptly sent this cordial and chahope and confidence, and shall do my little to give it the best direction. Faithfully yours, J. A. Andrew. Two columns of the Liberator were devoted to the editor's review of the inaugural addres
February 1st (search for this): chapter 1
m W. H. Herndon of Springfield, Ill., Mr. Lincoln's law partner, to S. E. Sewall, which concluded: Mr. Lincoln yet remains firm as a rock. He is true game, and is strong in the faith of Justice, Right, Liberty, Man, and God. He has told me, not only once, but often and often, that rather than back down—rather than concede to traitors, his soul might go back to God from the wings of the Capitol. I believe it. He and I have been partners in law for thirteen years, and I know him (Ms. copy, Feb. 1). That his inauguration would be permitted in peace seemed hardly possible, and when the telegraph announced to the country on the afternoon of the 4th of March that the Buchanan Administration had ended, and the first Republican President had actually assumed office and delivered his inaugural address without interruption or disturbance, a day of feverish anxiety was succeeded, as Mr. Garrison wrote, by a night of profoundest satisfaction and repose, . . . as though not a cloud rested upon
Winfield Scott (search for this): chapter 1
e possession of the Government by a coup daetat, which we have long prophesied would be their last desperate effort to keep the reins of power in their own grasp, and which we have no doubt will be successful, in spite of all the precautions of Gen. Scott. Winfield Scott. In this state of things,—when the elements are melting with fervent heat, and thunders are uttering their voices, and a great earthquake is shaking the land from centre to circumference, threatening to engulf whatever freeWinfield Scott. In this state of things,—when the elements are melting with fervent heat, and thunders are uttering their voices, and a great earthquake is shaking the land from centre to circumference, threatening to engulf whatever free institutions are yet visible,—Mr. Seward, with the eyes of expectant millions fastened upon him as the pilot to weather the storm, rises in the Senate to utter well-turned periods in glorification of a Union no longer in existence, and to talk of meeting prejudice with conciliation, exaction with concession which surrenders no principle (!), and violence with the right hand of peace ! The tiger is to be propitiated by crying pussy-cat! and leviathan drawn out with a hook! The word treason or<
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