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fterwards signed by a large majority, and which he fondly hoped would make a tremendous stir, not only in this country, but in time throughout the world. Mankind shall hail the 20th of September with more exultation and gratitude than Americans now do the 4th of July. The document is a long one, but the salient paragraphs are as follows: We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government; neither can we oppose any such government by a resort to physical force. We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler of mankind. We are bound by the laws of a Kingdom which is not of this world, the subjects of which are forbidden to fight. As every human government is upheld by physical strength and its laws are enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet, we cannot hold any office which imposes upon its incumbent the obligation to compel men to do right on pain of imprisonment or death. We therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legislative and judicia
Americans (search for this): chapter 5
f the day, a convention was called to consider non-resistance as the true basis of peace. Some hundred and fifty delegates met in September, 1838, at Boston, and Garrison as usual dominated the deliberations, and drew up a declaration which was carried and afterwards signed by a large majority, and which he fondly hoped would make a tremendous stir, not only in this country, but in time throughout the world. Mankind shall hail the 20th of September with more exultation and gratitude than Americans now do the 4th of July. The document is a long one, but the salient paragraphs are as follows: We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government; neither can we oppose any such government by a resort to physical force. We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler of mankind. We are bound by the laws of a Kingdom which is not of this world, the subjects of which are forbidden to fight. As every human government is upheld by physical strength and its laws are
Edmund Quincy (search for this): chapter 5
f God; to assail iniquity in high places; to apply our principles to all existing civil, political, legal and ecclesiastical institutions. The triumphant progress of the cause of temperance and abolition in our land . . . encourages us to combine our means and efforts for the promotion of a still greater cause. This greater cause (an admission indeed for Garrison) held its own for some years. The convention founded a Non-resistance Society, and published a semi-monthly paper, with Edmund Quincy as editor, who showed his sincerity by returning to the governor his commission of justice of the peace. His journal was issued for several years and paid expenses. But the demands of Abolition and non-resistance upon the same individuals proved too great, and gradually and imperceptibly the movement subsided, destined doubtless at some future day to reassert its claim upon the conscience of mankind, although it may present itself in a different and more philosophical form. During t
E. P. Lovejoy (search for this): chapter 5
e, and. lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage . . . Our measures shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption-the destruction of error by the potency of the truth — the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love-and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. In the midst of the Boston mob he exhorted his friends not to resort to violence, and he expressed his regret that Lovejoy fell fighting. The question of the moral character of war was much agitated about this time, and Garrison contended that if peace was invariably incumbent on nations, it must be no less so between individuals. As was the custom of the day, a convention was called to consider non-resistance as the true basis of peace. Some hundred and fifty delegates met in September, 1838, at Boston, and Garrison as usual dominated the deliberations, and drew up a declaration which was carried and afte
tomary persistence. He was active in petitioning Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. For years, as is well known, the Southern members tried to deny the right of petition in this regard, and John Quincy Adams bravely withstood them. The course of the South in opposing this clear Constitutional right disgusted all fairminded people in the North and helped to spread and consolidate anti-slavery opinion. Another aim of Garrison's was to persuade England to buy her cotton from the free labor of India and thus strike a blow at the pockets of the slave-holders. Commercial reasons had much to do with Northern proslavery feeling, for the merchants of the free States did not wish to have their markets disturbed. General Dix, afterwards governor of New York, records that in 1850 he found merchants of high standing in the metropolis who declared their readiness to advocate the re-establishment of the foreign slave trade and the reintroduction of slavery at the North.
Jesus Christ (search for this): chapter 5
cupy a seat in the legislature or on the bench, neither can we elect others to act as our substitutes in any such capacity. It follows that we cannot sue any man at law to compel him by force to restore anything which he may have wrongfully taken from us or others; but if he has seized our coat, we shall surrender up our cloak rather than to subject him to punishment. We believe that the penal code of the old covenant, An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, has been abrogated by Jesus Christ, and that under the new covenant, the forgiveness instead of the punishment of enemies has been enjoined upon all his disciples in all cases whatsoever. The history of mankind is crowded with evidences proving that physical coercion is not adapted to moral regeneration; that the sinful disposition of men can be subdued only by love; that evil can be exterminated from the earth only by goodness. But while we shall adhere to the doctrine of non-resistance and passive submission to en
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 5
clined to present his credentials as a delegate and took his seat among the spectators in the gallery. Garrison's policy against slavery was chiefly directed toward the creation of sentiment, but he had several minor measures at heart which he strove to forward with his customary persistence. He was active in petitioning Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. For years, as is well known, the Southern members tried to deny the right of petition in this regard, and John Quincy Adams bravely withstood them. The course of the South in opposing this clear Constitutional right disgusted all fairminded people in the North and helped to spread and consolidate anti-slavery opinion. Another aim of Garrison's was to persuade England to buy her cotton from the free labor of India and thus strike a blow at the pockets of the slave-holders. Commercial reasons had much to do with Northern proslavery feeling, for the merchants of the free States did not wish to have their m
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 5
retra. Horace, Odes, 1.22. Any account of Garrison which failed to give due emphasis to his beliof war was much agitated about this time, and Garrison contended that if peace was invariably incumbegates met in September, 1838, at Boston, and Garrison as usual dominated the deliberations, and dre This greater cause (an admission indeed for Garrison) held its own for some years. The conventionkindled against them the just indignation of Garrison and many of his followers. They retorted thasensions. They continued for many years, but Garrison stood to his guns without flinching, and in to failed to vote was a traitor to the cause. Garrison, however, had conscientious scruples against with men in conventions and committee work? Garrison stoutly upheld their right on all occasions; seat among the spectators in the gallery. Garrison's policy against slavery was chiefly directedolidate anti-slavery opinion. Another aim of Garrison's was to persuade England to buy her cotton
r vitae scelerisque purus Non eget Mauris jaculis neque arcu Nec venenatis gravida sagittis, Fusce, pharetra. Horace, Odes, 1.22. Any account of Garrison which failed to give due emphasis to his belief in non-resistance would be most imperfect, for he regarded this principle as the very root of all his convictions. He seems very early to have had an instinctive repugnance to the use of physical force. In the declaration of sentiment which he drew for the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1833, and which was adopted, he says: Our principles forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and. lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage . . . Our measures shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption-the destruction of error by the potency of the truth — the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love-and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. In the midst of the Boston
stomary persistence. He was active in petitioning Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. For years, as is well known, the Southern members tried to deny the right of petition in this regard, and John Quincy Adams bravely withstood them. The course of the South in opposing this clear Constitutional right disgusted all fairminded people in the North and helped to spread and consolidate anti-slavery opinion. Another aim of Garrison's was to persuade England to buy her cotton from the free labor of India and thus strike a blow at the pockets of the slave-holders. Commercial reasons had much to do with Northern proslavery feeling, for the merchants of the free States did not wish to have their markets disturbed. General Dix, afterwards governor of New York, records that in 1850 he found merchants of high standing in the metropolis who declared their readiness to advocate the re-establishment of the foreign slave trade and the reintroduction of slavery at the North.
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