You take a week off and the world turns.
08 December 2024
The World Turns
27 October 2023
China Is Unlikely To Start A War
With Russia knocked down a peg by its disastrous performance in the Ukraine War, Afghanistan fallen to the Taliban, none of the usual candidates in the Middle East coming forward publicly to try to pounce on Israel in the face of its intense response to an Iranian supported Hamas massacre and Hezbollah rocket attacks from Lebanon, and North Korea lobbing nuclear ready missiles in tests but taking no conventional warfare steps and its leader shaking hands with South Korea's leader, all attention has turned to China.
As a country with 1.4 billion people, a gross national product that is 76% of the size of the U.S. GNP, and decades of intense economic growth, China's has had the resources to fund a large and advanced military, without even seriously militarizing its society with large numbers of soldiers relative to its population or seriously straining the ability of its government to pay for it.
China's merely regional aspirations also allow it to concentrate its military resources. China hasn't tried to mimic the United States and Russia by deploying a large blue sea navy far from its coast, or by trying to serve as a "global policeman". China has some blue sea navy capabilities with modern aircraft carriers, surface combatants, and longer range than coastal submarine, it has long range missiles (some of which carry nuclear missiles), and it even has some reasonably long range military aircraft. But China has shown little interest in flexing its military muscles further from home than the Philippines, Southeast Asia, the Western Pacific Ocean, and the East China Sea.
China certainly has no plans to invade any country in the Americas, or to repeat the mistake that Japan made in World War II when Japan attacked Hawaii in 1941.
There is no indication that China has any intention of starting hostilities to the North, with Russia or Mongolia or on its borders with the former Soviet Republics in Central Asia.
Despite some border skirmishes over worthless, almost uninhabited mountain territory on its border with India, this conflict seems to be more about pride and honor than anything substantive. China shows no indication that it wants to seize meaningfully inhabited parts of Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bhutan, or Myanmar. China seems to have bitten off as much as it can chew when it conquered Tibet and now thinks better of any other campaigns to repeat that experience.
China could easily have conquered the communist regimes in North Korea, Cambodia, Laos, or Vietnam outright, but appears to be content to merely leave them as tributary states in its sphere of influence that emulate it and kowtow to it.
In part, China appears to have concluded from the troublesome resistance its has received from ethnic minorities in semiautonomous regions like Inner Mongolia, and from ethnic minorities like the Uyghurs, the Tibetans, and the Manchurians, that it prefers to be a nation-state dominated by a Han Chinese core to being a sprawling multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural empire.
China doesn't really want to have to absorb Japan or North Korea or South Korea or Vietnam or Laos or Cambodia or the Philippines or Indonesia or Thailand, let alone Australia or New Zealand or Papua New Guinea.
China isn't even grumbling about trying to unify Chinese diaspora populations in Western influenced places with large Chinese minorities, like Singapore or Malaysia. It swallowed up Macao easily enough, when its 99 year lease expired, but has found that even trying to absorb Hong Kong without destroying what makes it valuable has been highly challenging, even when the British handed it over without a fight when its 99 year lease expired.
China has a large and technologically advanced Army ground forces with no place to go. It has state of the art tanks and anti-tank forces, but no plausible conflicts, other than an invasion of Taiwan or a campaign to put down North Korea's regime if it gets out of hand, to use it.
It is conceivable that China might need to fight a counterinsurgency conflict in its own territory, or to aid one of its tributary states in doing so. But there is no way that any plausible insurgent force in these places could acquire "near peer" conventional military force weapons to its own forces in any meaningful amount in the foreseeable future.
The United States also has large, technologically advanced ground forces in its Army and Marines, but unlike China, it has used those ground troops as expeditionary military forces to fight foreign wars on a regular basis since at least World War I. China hasn't been involved directly in a foreign war on an expeditionary basis since World War II, even though it supported proxy Communist regimes in Korea and Southeast Asia.
Since the 1980s, China's military ambitions have focused largely on regaining control of Taiwan (which itself arrogantly claims sovereignty over mainland China, an ambition that has been futile for seven decades) and expanding its dominance in the portions of the seas near it, some closer to the Philippines and Japan than to its own coast, that the rest of the world considers to be international waters.
Taiwan is attractive because it is very close to mainland China, and it is predominantly ethnic Chinese, which makes it feel to the People's Republic of China like a territory that it could assimilate in a manner similar to its current effort to reintegrate Hong Kong into the People's Republic of China.
The prospect of a military conquest of Taiwan is also attractive to China's military leadership, much as it is the military leadership of the United States, because it justifies immense expenditures for naval forces, air forces, and ground forces who can participate in an amphibious assault on the island of Formosa.
If China's barriers to this conquest were primarily military, it would have happened long ago. The People's Republic of China has something like 70 times more people than Taiwan does, vastly more economic resources, and can focus on this single front without fearing distractions from some other conflict at the same time. Taiwan's economy is more technologically advanced and developed than China's but that gap has fallen steadily, and when it comes to military technology, they are close to parity with China potentially having the edge at this point. Even if China had to incur three or even ten times the casualties as Taiwan did in an offensive war against it, ultimately, China has a greater capacity to bear those losses than Taiwan does.
This said, however, one of the reasons that the last significant amphibious assault in the history of the world was seventy years ago in the Korean War is that military technologies have shifted in a way this makes this strategy which has always been extremely challenging and costly, even more difficult to carry out effectively. It is just too easy with modern anti-ship missiles, submarines, sea mines, and more to sink amphibious assault surface combatants with hundreds or even thousands of ground troops on them before they even reach the shore. And as military technologies mature and advance, the balance continues to shift, again and again, against warships and toward military forces that want to stop warships. Ukraine has managed to seriously bloody Russia's Black Sea fleet, despite not having any real navy to speak of at all.
Taiwan does have the United States, with the worlds largest and most advanced military force and nuclear weapons as it patron. But a reasonable Chinese military strategist could wager, and would probably be correct, that the United States, while it would provide as much support in conventional warfare to protect Taiwan as it could, would not be willing to start a global nuclear war with China to protect Taiwan's sovereignty, something that Taiwan itself blows hot and cold on in its own domestic politics. Likewise, while China would very much like to have Taiwan as a jewel in its crown, it seems unlikely that China would risk starting a nuclear war with the United States to get it. Nuclear missiles are blunt instruments that serve few legitimate military purposes in the hands of rational military leaders in positions of high command. And, unlike the leaders of North Korea, China's leaders have consistently shown themselves to be calculating and rational, rather than insane and reckless, for the last half century or so since the Cultural Revolution ended.
Instead, the main barrier to a Chinese invasion of Taiwan is that fact that both countries "live in glass houses." Modern China's economy and prosperity is rooted in its export oriented manufacturing base, which is increasingly moving up the chain of technological sophistication. Taiwan, likewise, has an export based commercial economy that, most famously, it the global center of advanced computer processor manufacturing. China and Taiwan even have significant and strong trade ties with each other.
Unlike Russia, which has survived global economic sanctions and boycotts with only minor cuts and bruises so far, because the only exports that are very important to the health of Russia's domestic economy are natural gas and oil, both China and Taiwan have economies which are heavily reliant on international trade, much of it with rich Western countries.
In an all out war, the sophisticated high tech factories that make that export based economy possible would be completely wiped out for decades in Taiwan, although the heavy capital investments of mainland China would be harder to really devastate. But it also isn't just physical capital investments that matter. You can't manufacture world class computer processors with unwilling serfs. The prime exports of both economies require the voluntary, and indeed, enthusiastic participation of legions of sophisticated engineers, factory managers, technicians, financial and managerial professionals, and more generally a health, decentralized, reasonably economically free commercial sector and social class. All it would take for China to kill the goose that lays Taiwan's golden eggs would be quiet work to rule, "quiet quitting" type behavior from its managerial, professional, administrative, and technical classes. No flashing explosives or armed resistance would be necessary.
Equally important, if any significant part of the developed world decided to boycott Chinese exports because of a Chinese invasion and conquest of Taiwan, as part of a general mobilization against it akin to the general mobilization against Russia that took place in the immediate wake of its invasion of Ukraine, the impact this would have on China would be far more severe than the impact these sanctions had on Russia.
China wouldn't lose all of its trading partners. It could still keep selling its ware to the communist regimes of Southeast Asia and to Russia, for example. But its trade to those countries is already close to maxed out, because it is a leading global exporter. There is no place it could sell its wares that could replace its immense exports to developed Western capitalist countries around the world, if it lost access to those markets, which it likely would, at least in the medium term.
The economic blowback that China would experience in reaction to an invasion of Taiwan from the developed Western capitalist countries of the world would be at least as bad as the Great Depression was in the United States, if not worse. Hundreds of millions of ordinary Chinese people would lose their jobs and would be trust into abject poverty. Factories up and down China's densely populated eastern coastal regions would be shuttered. People who managed to hold onto jobs might see their incomes cut in half. The massive progress China has made in the past couple of decades in eradicating extreme poverty globally would be undone.
In an economy already heavily driven by extravagant public works projects, there would be little room to boost an economy facing collapse from a sudden interruption of its export trade with more spending on public works and infrastructure. A loss of access to supplies of imported raw materials would further cripple Chinese manufacturers ability to export goods even communist or formerly communist countries that continued to support China, and to manufacture goods for domestic consumption. Imported comforts would dwindle to the consternation of Chinese business elites that now snap up second homes in Vancouver and foreign educations and travel for their children and have acquired expensive and exotic tastes.
Also, despite its vast population, now more or less tied with India, in China, lives are no longer cheap. The average Chinese woman has less than one child in a lifetime. Many young men in China are not just only children, but are also the only grandchild of four grandparents. A historical preference for boys as China experienced its demographic transition in the face of its one child policy have left China with a surplus of military service aged men, although it has barely tapped it since it has so many young men relative to the needs of its military.
China is far removed from places with the demographics of places like the Gaza Strip, where almost 50% of the population is under the age of eighteen, couples tend to marry in their early twenties, and women generally have many children in their lifetimes. Too many mouths to feed and too few jobs to support them isn't a problem that China has at the moment. Every young adult man and woman is precious in the eyes of modern China, so each life lost in a war to take Taiwan would have an amplified social impact. China is not psychologically prepared to lose the millions of lives and hundreds of sunken ships that it would have to expend to take Taiwan.
Given the current situation of China and Taiwan, the only way it would make sense for China to conquer Taiwan would be if it could accomplish this in an almost bloodless fait accompli in a matter of days, which the Taiwanese people collective gave up and accepted as inevitable at the outset, much like the sudden, nearly bloodless Russian conquest of Crimea in 2014 that was basically over before the world had time to react to it, or come to Ukraine's aid.
But while the Taiwanese people do predominantly speak a Chinese topolect, and do have strong cultural ties to mainland China, the similarities between Crimea and Taiwan end there. Modern Taiwan's is the product of a society of Western leaning exiles from the Maoist Communist revolution in mainland China. The Chinese speaking people of Taiwan are the majority and have been in opposition to the communist regime of mainland China from the start, unlike the Russian speaking people of Crimea who were a minority in Ukraine and felt cultural and political kinship with their post-Soviet co-ethnics in Russia proper.
There is no reason to think that Taiwan would accept their new Chinese overlords quietly or peacefully with resignation and obedience to the new regime. This would be a war of people with nowhere else to go in Taiwan defending their home, who have been preparing for this fight for much longer than the Ukrainians prepared for a Russian invasion, and with all of the ferocity of the Ukrainians defending their territory. And, like Ukraine, the Taiwanese would have ample military and economic support from Western-leaning allies including the United States, Japan, South Korea, and Australia with technologically modern military forces. So, the only scenario that would make the price that China would have to pay to take Taiwan simply isn't a plausible possibility.
Thus, the only ground war that China has shown any interest in fighting would be far too costly to China, even if it wins, to make the fight worth it to China. And, because China's leadership is rational and pragmatic enough to realize this fact, it is extremely unlikely that China will invade Taiwan.
Really the only military actions that it seems plausible for China to undertake in the near future is a continuation of its low grade, gradual efforts to use its naval and air power, and ground troops on artificial islands, to extend its dominance in the international waters of the East China sea and the Western Pacific as far as the international waters near the Philippines. The prizes here are fishing territory, oceanic mineral resources, greater control of the East Asian shipping industry, and national pride at a modest military cost. And, these are prizes which the allies of Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan are unwilling to exert the level of overwhelming trade, diplomatic, and military power necessary to completely thwart China from achieving these aims.
05 October 2023
Tanks Haven't Been Effective Against China For Eons
The U.S. Army's M1 Abrams tanks will "not be effective" or able to "dominate" on the battlefields of the 2040s, especially in the context of a potential high-end conflict against China. This is the conclusion of an official advisory body that is also calling for an Abrams replacement effort that could include a next-generation M1 derivative, as well as lighter 'tanks' armed with larger caliber guns and hypersonic anti-tank missiles, and uncrewed ground vehicles.The Army Science Board, a federally-sanctioned independent group of experts that advises the Secretary of the Army, recently published an assessment about the future of the M1 tank. It also outlines the need for one or more types of "5th Generation Combat Vehicle," or 5GCV, to meet operational demands in the 2040s. The origins of this study trace back to 2019 and the final report is dated August 2023. . . .
The Army currently has around 2,500 M1 Abrams tanks in service today, with thousands more in storage that could potentially be refurbished and returned to service, if necessary. The original M1 entered service in the 1980s and significantly more capable variants have been introduced since then.The Army Science Board study is blunt in its core conclusions about the future of the M1, stating early on:Based on our findings, The M1 Abrams will not dominate the 2040 battlefield. All of the M1’s advantages in mobility, firepower, and protection are at risk. The M1A2 SEP V3&4 upgrades will improve effectiveness but will not restore dominance. Near transparency in all domains will significantly increase the lethality our forces will experience. China and Russia have studied our forces and doctrine and are fielding countermeasures. We will continue to have to fight outnumbered, exacerbated by a low MBT operational readiness rate and an aging fleet.
10 August 2023
Hello Baby (Spoilers Below The Fold)
Hello Baby is a webcomic at Webtoons by Enjelicious, a South Korean comic author, who established herself with her first "big time" debut comic, Age Matters, which was recently completed after years of serialization. Hello Baby has been running for about six months and as I write, thirty episodes are available if you are willing to pay a modest price so you don't have to wait three weeks to read episodes for free.
Age Matters, one of the hottest titles in the romance comic genre at the time, was about a young woman filling in for a friend in her friend's job a cook and maid for a young CEO of a social media tech company who falls in love with him, that also has a strong supporting cast of secondary characters, and a backstory of melodrama involving famous models, villains motivated by jealousy and money, and rich family business chiefs looking for marriage alliances. Overall, the tone is cute and funny, if somewhat cliched. The most serious issues it explores, not very seriously, are the propriety of a woman dating a younger man, and the propriety of a woman dating her boss. It has a good chance of being made into a live action K-drama if this isn't already in the works.
Hello Baby is her sophomore romance comic effort. It is more serious, more down to Earth, and explores deeper emotions and issues related to modern marriage, parenting, love, responsibility, and our social instincts that deserve thought and discussion (but can't be discussed without revealing some spoilers from the first dozen or so episodes from what will probably be more than a hundred episodes when it's done, below the fold). It is also a huge hit and also has strong K-drama potential.
07 October 2022
Things That Make English Hard To Speak For Korean Speakers
- Prosody (stress and pitch): Korean is a syllable-timed language.
- Each syllable in the Korean language is distinctly produced, with equal stress. By contrast, English is a stress-timed language.
- . . . Korean has less variation in pitch and stress than English.
- English spoken by Korean native speakers can sometimes be perceived by native English speakers as monotone and monoloud.
- Vowels:
- There are at least 7 vowels in English that do not exist in Korean: /I/ (as in “bit”), /ae/ (as in “apple”), the “u” sound as in “put”, the “or” sound (as in “for”, “author” and “gnaw”), the /aI/ diphthong (as in “like”), the “or-I” diphthong (as in “boy” or “oil”), and the “au” diphthong (as in “cow” or “allow”).
- Particular common issues include understanding and producing the differences between:
- the long “ee” sound (/i/) as in “beet” and the short “i” sound (/I/) as in “bit”;
- the short “e” sound (as in “egg”) and the short “a” sound (as in apple); and
- “u” (as in “put”), “or” and “er” sounds.
- Consonants:
- There are at least 12 English consonants that do not exist in Korean and Korean has fewer consonants that English. Sounds such as /f/, /v/, “th” (voiceless, as in “bath”), “th” (voiced, as in “bathe”), /z/, “sh”, “ch”, “zh” (as in “measure” or “vision”), “j” and “r” don’t exist in Korean. /b, d/ and /g/ are often unvoiced.
- The Korean consonant /s/* has only a slight air escape, which makes it different from the English /s/.
- Consonant clusters:
- In Korean, there are no consonant clusters at the start or end of syllables (e.g. like /st/).
- Many Korean speakers insert a vowel when they pronounce English words including consonant clusters. For example “strike” is sometimes pronounced something like “sitilaiki”.
From here.
23 September 2022
The Economic Implications Of Gender Divisions In South Korea
One reason why the Seoul dining scene still has so many nooks and cranniesThere are so many places with dishes you’ve never tried before. And they are deep into alleyways, or on the second or third floors of retail establishments. In these places I never see people take out their cameras and photograph the food. The establishments are not “very on-line,” as they say.More likely than not, a large troupe(s) of middle-aged and older men suddenly come out of nowhere, and descend upon these eateries for dining and intense bouts of conversation. The men don’t seem to want too many other people to know about their special hangouts. English-language menus are hard to come by. . . .Korea is an especially sexually segregated society, all the more relative to its high per capita income. And so these restaurants are boys’ clubs of a sort, as much private as public. Might that be one reason why the small restaurant food scene here has stayed so undercover?
05 October 2021
Height Gains In Korea
According to a 2014 survey, Korean men have grown about 15 cm (5.9 in) and Korean women have grown about 20 cm (7.8 in) over the past 100 years. . . . In fact, it is said that Koreans have grown the most in the world over the past 100 years.
From here.
All other things being equal, height is primarily genetic. But all other things are not equal.
09 August 2021
Is South Korea The Future?
South Korea’s total fertility rate in 2020 was 0.84 births per woman—the lowest figure in the world and well below the replacement-level rate of 2.1. . . .South Korea experienced a rapid demographic transition after the Korean War, triggered by the country’s explosive economic development in the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1990s, South Korea had gone from being one of the poorest nations in the world to one of the most advanced, prosperous nations. But over this same period, increased prosperity and influential family planning policies caused a sharp decline in South Korean birth rates from 6.1 children per woman in 1960 to around 1.6 by 1990.
The number of expected babies per South Korean woman fell to 0.84 in 2020, dropping further from the country’s previous record low of 0.92 a year earlier. . . . That is the lowest among over 180 member countries of the World Bank, and far below 1.73 in the United States and 1.42 in Japan. The grim milestone comes after the population fell for the first time ever last year. . . . The government has failed to reverse the falling birth rate despite spending billions of dollars each year on childcare subsidies and maternity leave support.The nation’s capital Seoul logged the lowest birth rate of 0.64.
A clue to the question of what policy measures would be effective may be found in Sejong, a city in central South Korea that is home to about 340,000 residents.Sights encountered on the streets of Sejong are a world apart from what one would typically see in Seoul.Many of the mothers seen outside a kindergarten, who were there to pick up their children, were seen pushing a stroller or holding their younger children in their arms. The scene indicated many parents in Sejong have two or more children.In 2020, Sejong had a fertility rate of 1.28, double the corresponding figure in Seoul.The city was created in 2012, with part of the country’s administrative functions relocated there. As the infrastructure of livelihood, such as kindergartens and cram schools, began to improve in Sejong, government workers began to get married and settle down in the city.Woo Hye-jung, 43, a mother with three sons, said she came to live in Sejong four years ago. Her sons are in the third grade, in the first grade and 3 years old, respectively.When Woo lived earlier in another city, she sent her sons to a private kindergarten for a monthly fee of about 800,000 won per head. The kindergarten here, by comparison, is publicly run and free of charge.“Many mothers I know here say they wish they could have second and third children,” Woo said.Chun Joon-ok, director of the kindergarten that Woo’s son attends, said, "The burden of education fees is smaller and the competitive society is less stressful here than in Seoul.”“Sejong’s example shows that those who wish to have children and raise them can take a step forward if only there is a proper environment for doing so,” she said.
Another article notes that:
The birth rate dropped below 1 for the first time in 2018, when it reached 0.98; last year, it fell below 0.9.The decline in childbirth is continuing to pick up speed, with the birth rate hitting 0.75 in the fourth quarter of the year. The rate was particularly low in big cities such as Seoul (0.64) and Busan (0.75), where young people and unmarried people make up a large share of the population.South Korea’s total fertility rate was the lowest of any country in the world. In 2018, Korea was the only one of the 37 member countries of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to have a birth rate below 1 (0.98). The average rate in OECD member states was 1.63.There were 272,400 babies born in South Korea last year, down 10% from 2019 (302,700). The annual number of childbirths fell below 300,000 just three years after first falling below 400,000 in 2017.Korea reported 305,100 deaths last year, outnumbering childbirths by 32,700. That marked the first occurrence of natural population decline, in which there are more deaths than births.
(Source)
The "natural" ratio of boys to girls born is 1.05 so sex biased abortion and unreported infanticide has fallen to statistically insignificant levels after once being significant in Korea.
Fertility rate of Republic of Korea fell gradually from 4.19 children per woman in 1971. . . .
Number of births 358.79 thousandCrude birth rate 7 births per thousand populationMale to female ratio at birth 105 males per 100 femalesAge of childbearing 32.27 yearsNet reproduction rate 0.54 number
Fertility rates at age 15-19 years 1.38 births per 1,000 womenFertility rates at age 20-24 years 11.58 births per 1,000 womenFertility rates at age 25-29 years 45.78 births per 1,000 womenFertility rates at age 30-34 years 105.49 births per 1,000 womenFertility rates at age 35-39 years 52.91 births per 1,000 womenFertility rates at age 40-44 years 4.65 births per 1,000 womenFertility rates at age 45-49 years 0.21 births per 1,000 women
(Source).
Impact Of Declining Births On Schools In South Korea
For comparison, the rest of East Asia and the Pacific has an average fertility rate of 1.8 children per woman. . . .From 1982 to 2016, 3,725 schools across the country closed due to a lack of students. This evens out to an average of 113 schools closing every year, per Yonhap News.According to the Korea Herald, 62.7% of the shuttered school properties were sold to real estate developers to be torn down. But that left some 1,350 schools standing, with no one to use them. . . . Data from the World Bank shows the country's annual population growth rate has fallen steadily over the last 60 years, dropping from 2.96% growth in 1961 to 0.13% growth in 2020.
Life Expectency And Age Pyramids In South Korea, North Korea, and Japan
"While the country continues to see a low fertility rate and fast aging of the population, the proportion of its population aged between 0-14 years came to 12.3 percent, which is the same with that of Japan and about half of the global average of 25.3 percent," the UNFPA said.No country has a smaller proportion of the young population than South Korea and Japan.The proportion of people over 65 came to 16.6 percent of South Korea's overall population, sharply up from 15.8 percent a year earlier, according to the annual report.Globally, people 65 and older only took up 9.5 percent of the total population, tallied at some 7.87 billion.Japan had the world's largest proportion of elderly at 28.7 percent, slightly up from 28.4 percent in 2020, followed by Italy and Portugal at 23.6 percent and 23.1 percent, respectively.At birth, South Koreans had a life expectancy of 83 years, the world's 11th highest. While South Korean males had a life expectancy of 80 years at birth, South Korean females could expect to live 86 years.Their North Korean peers, on the other hand, had life expectancies at birth of 69 years for males and 76 for females, according to the UNFPA report.The maternal mortality ratio, or the number of maternal deaths per 100,000, came to 11 in South Korea, compared with 89 in North Korea.South Korea's overall population currently stands at 51.3 million, while that of North Korea is at 25.9 million. (Yonhap)
(Source as of April 14, 2021).
Marriage And Divorce In South Korea
(Source)In South Korea, the average cost of getting married is 230 million won (US$196,000), the country’s leading marriage consulting business, DUO Info Corporation, found in a two-year study on 1,000 newlywed couples.That is almost six times the amount the average South Korean in their 30s makes per year (US$32,900), and almost nine times what Koreans below the age of 29 make a year (US$22,152), according to Statistics Korea.Another survey by the Korea Consumer Agency in 2017 found that the basic cost for a wedding was US$40,000 if housing was excluded.And in recent years, marriage rates have fallen to their lowest level since data started to be compiled in 1970, with observers saying couples are increasingly put off by expectations that they must spend heavily on a new home and lavish wedding reception.“We can think of declining marriage rates as a result of changing values in today’s times, but we need to look at it as a combination of social issues arising from the economy, the job market and living expenses,” Park Soo-kyung, the founder of DUO Info Corporation, said in a recent interview.“Burdensome marriage and housing costs, incompatibility of work and family, and a negative social perception towards marriage” have all contributed to the downwards trend, she said.In 2018, the country’s marriage rate was five per 1,000 people, with 257,622 couples tying the knot, according to Statistics Korea. The rate has steadily declined from 1996, when the marriage rate hit an all-time high of 9.6 per 1,000 people and a record 430,000 couples got married.A study on worldwide marriage rates by the Organisation for Economic and Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 2017 put China’s rate at almost 10 per 1,000 people while Japan was around five per 1,000.South Korea’s drop in marriage rates comes amid the increasing popularity of a feminist movement which has instilled negative perceptions about traditional marriages in the country. The #MeToo movement and the spycam porn epidemic have contributed to the creation of the “4B” or the “Four Nos”, in which women vow to never wed, bear children, date, or have sex.The recent hit film Kim Ji-young, Born 1982 , which centres on a married mother who confronts the social obstacles that exist in a male-dominated society, has also touched a nerve with many women.Last year, just 22.4 per cent of Korean women perceived marriage as necessary. But a decade ago, that number was 47 per cent.
The number of South Koreans getting married fell at a double-digit rate to a new low last year as people delayed or cancelled wedding plans amid the pandemic crisis while marriage is becoming an option, not a must, among young people, government data showed. The number of new marriages came to 214,000 last year, down 10.7% from a year ago, . . . The figure is the lowest since 1970, when data compilation began. The annualised decrease rate is also the steepest since the 18.9% plunge recorded in 1971. The figure also marks the first double-digit decline in 23 years and represents the ninth consecutive year of shrinkage, Statistics Korea said. . . .According to the agency’s 2020 survey, only 51.2% of people think they must get married, down 14 percentage points from 2010.The marriage data also showed that the average age of South Korean men getting married was 33.2 years last year, up 1.4 years from a decade ago. The median marrying age of first-time brides was 30.8 years, up 1.9 years over the same period.Meanwhile, the number of divorces in the country reached 107,000 last year, down 3.9% from 2019, marking the first annual drop since 2017.
Recent reports about a sex recession among young Americans aside, the concept of dating and mating is reasonably engrained in daily life in the West. In sharp contrast, in South Korea, 40 per cent of people in their 20s and 30s appear to have quit dating altogether.Today, many refer to young Koreans as the "sampo generation" (literally, "giving up on three") because they have given up on these three things: dating, marriage and children.Although Confucian culture originated in China, many scholars believe South Korea is even more influenced by Confucianism. Confucian values emphasize the importance of marriage and carrying on the family bloodline.Getting married is considered a social responsibility. But young Koreans are increasingly leaving marriage behind.The marriage packageDemographers have used the term "marriage package" to illustrate the idea that marriage in East Asia entails much more than just a relationship between two people.In traditional Asian families, numerous intra-familial roles are bundled together, especially for women. Generally speaking, marriage, childbearing, childrearing and taking care of the elderly are linked. Hence, marriage and family roles are a package.South Korea is no exception to endorsing this cultural idea of the "marriage package."Nevertheless, Western individualistic ideologies are increasingly influencing young Koreans. Despite a strong traditional emphasis on marriage, they have begun to postpone and even forgo marriage.The average age at first marriage in South Korea jumped five years for both men and women from 1990 to 2013. Related to this is the rising number of people who stay single. In 1970, only 1.4 per cent of women between the ages of 30-34 were never married. In 2010, that percentage increased to almost 30 per cent.For women, marriage is not an attractive optionIn the last decade, The Economist has published articles about the decline of Asian marriage. One of them from 2011, "Asia's lonely hearts," discussed women's rejection of marriage in Asia and looked to gendered family roles and unequal divisions of housework as culprits.Once women decide to get married, they are generally expected to prioritize familial responsibilities. Women take on a much greater share of the housework and childcare burden and are chiefly responsible for their children's educational success.My research shows that in 2006, 46 per cent of married Korean women between 25 and 54 were full-time housewives; Korean wives, many of whom are working outside of the home, did over 80 per cent of the housework, whereas their husbands did less than 20 per cent.Women have gained more opportunities outside marriage, but within marriage, men have not correspondingly increased their contribution to housework and childcare. As a result, for many women, being married is no longer an attractive option. With diminishing returns to gender-specialized marriage for highly educated women, they are likely to delay or forgo marriage.
Since 1970, the number of singles in South Korea has increased 20-fold.Precarious economy and the overwork cultureAnother important reason young Koreans are giving up on dating, getting married and raising kids is the growing economic uncertainty and financial hardships. Many young Koreans work at precarious jobs, with low pay and little job and income security.Moreover, the culture of long working hours prevails in South Korea. Among the OECD countries, South Korea has the longest work hours.In 2017, Koreans worked an average of 2,024 hours per year, 200 hours less than they did in the previous decade. To put this number into perspective, Canadians worked 300 hours less a year than Koreans and the French, who are even better at work-life balance, worked 500 fewer hours.Recently, the South Korean government has passed a law which cut the maximum weekly hours to 52, down from 68, hoping that Koreans could still have some personal life after work.Lowest fertility rate in the worldIt is rare for single women to have children: 1.5 per cent of births were to unmarried mothers in Korea, as compared to the overall OECD average of 36.3 per cent. Therefore, there are real consequences of marriage forgone.
In Korea, the average births per woman were slightly above one in 2016, down from 6.1 in 1960 and 4.5 in 1970.South Korea is among the countries with the lowest fertility in the world. Countries need about 2.1 children per woman to sustain their population. In Korea, the average births per woman were slightly above one in 2016.Birth rates are extremely low. However, people are living longer. South Korean women will likely soon have the highest female life expectancy; South Korean women born in 2030 are expected to live longer than 90 years. Therefore, the Korean population is ageing rapidly.A shrinking population will create a labour crisis, limiting economic development. The New York Times called this demographic doom "South Korea's most dangerous enemy."The Korean government, attempting to increase birth rates, enforced a policy that all the lights in the ministry's building should be turned off at 7 p.m. sharp once a month, with the hope that employees would get off work early and go home to make love and more importantly, babies.But will forcefully switching off lights work? Maybe changing the culture of long working hours and abolishing gendered work and family roles would be more effective.There are like additional reasons behind the rise of the sampo generation in Korea, but young people's job precarity, the overwork culture and a lack of equal divisions of labour at home are vital issues.In South Korea, Valentine's Day is generally a big deal, and it is one of many holidays celebrating love. It would be great if young South Koreans could "afford" dating and family lives so they can get into the celebrations.
Abortion in South Korea was decriminalized, effective 2021, by a 2019 order of the Constitutional Court of Korea.From 1953 through 2020, abortion was illegal in most circumstances, but illegal abortions were widespread and commonly performed at hospitals and clinics. On April 11, 2019, the Constitutional Court ruled the abortion ban unconstitutional and ordered the law's revision by the end of 2020. Revisions to the law were proposed in October 2020, but not voted on by the deadline of 31 December 2020.The government of South Korea criminalized abortion in the 1953 Criminal Code in all circumstances. The law was amended by the Maternal and Child Health Law of 1973 to permit a physician to perform an abortion if the pregnant woman or her spouse suffers from certain hereditary or communicable diseases, if the pregnancy results from rape or incest, or if continuing the pregnancy would jeopardize the woman's health. Any physician who violated the law could be punished by two years' imprisonment. Self-induced abortions could be punished by a fine or imprisonment.The abortion law was not strongly enforced, especially during campaigns to lower South Korea's high fertility rate in the 1970s and 1980s. As the fertility rate dropped in the 2000s, the government and anti-abortion campaigners turned their attention to illegal abortions and the government stepped up enforcement of the abortion law in response.Sex-selective abortion, attributed to a cultural preference for sons, is widespread. Despite a 1987 revision of the Medical Code prohibiting physicians from using prenatal testing to reveal the sex of the child, the ratio of boys to girls at birth continued to climb through the 1990s. The 1987 law was ruled unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court in 2008. . . .Using a 2005 survey of 25 hospitals and 176 private clinics, one study estimated that 342,433 induced abortions were performed that year (about 330,000 of them illegal), which would imply an abortion rate of 29.8 abortions per 1000 women aged 15–44. The rate was higher among single women than among married women. The Ministry of Health and Welfare estimated that 169,000 induced abortions were performed in 2010. Other researchers, including Park Myung-bae of Pai Chai University, estimate that there may be as many as 500,000 or 1 million abortions per year. . . .According to more recent estimates by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs, the number of abortions performed per year was estimated to have declined to 50,000 in 2017.
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The number of abortions estimated to have been performed in South Korea stood at around 50,000 in 2017, sharply down from the past as more women use birth control, a report said Thursday.According to the report by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs, the abortion rate for fertile women reached 4.8 percent in 2017, compared to 29.3 percent in 2005 and 15.8 percent in 2010.The report estimated that 49,764 procedures were performed in 2017, compared with 342,433 in 2005 and 168,738 in 2010.The report was based on a survey conducted on a total of 10,000 women aged between 15 and 44, the first nationwide fact-finding survey in eight years.Under South Korean law, abortions are illegal unless there are extenuating circumstances such as the unborn baby posing a serious health risk to the mother. Pregnancies resulting from statutory rape or incest are also subject to exceptions.The institute said more women are using birth control and emergency contraception, often referred to as abortion pills.The percentage of men using condoms came to 74.2 percent in 2018, sharply up from 37.5 percent in 2011, a separate report showed. The rate of women using oral birth control pills more than doubled from 7.4 percent in 2011 to 18.9 percent in 2018.The institute said only 12.7 percent of women who had an abortion used some kind of birth control at the time of conception.The report said 46.9 percent of women who opted to end their pregnancy were unmarried, followed by 37.9 percent for married women and 13 percent of women in common law marriages."The number of abortions is gradually decreasing, but many women are still exposed to unwanted pregnancies," the report said, citing the importance of proper sex education and usage of birth control.The survey, which had been conducted every five years, was discontinued in 2010 when the government enhanced its crackdown on artificial abortion as part of efforts to boost the low birthrate.The report comes as estimates by the medical sector and the government of the number of terminations carried out in the country vary greatly.There are still heated debates over the balance between the right to life and women's self-determination.More than 75 percent of the surveyed women said the law on abortion should be amended. The current law stipulates a prison term of one year and a fine of less than 2 million won (US $1,780) when women receive an abortion.
(Source as of February 14, 2019)
According to a 2015 UN report, it was found that 78.7% of South Korean women (who were married/in unions and between the ages of 15-49) used some form contraception. The most common methods were condoms (23.9%), male sterilization (16.5%), IUDs (12.6%), the rhythm method (9.7%) and female sterilization (5.8%). Meanwhile, the usage of birth control pills by South Korean was very low, with estimates ranging between 2% and 2.8%.Contraceptive adoption also varies by age. For example, in 2016, it was found that about 32% of unmarried South Korean women who were 19 years old used birth control. Meanwhile, about 56% of unmarried South Korean women who were 28 years old used birth control.While condoms are the most common form of contraception, intra-uterine devices (IUDs) have become more common. Some people have reported that unmarried women may feel discouraged from getting them, since they are thought to be "for married women." However, other reports share that many clinics provide IUDs, and there are multiple IUD options available (i.e., copper, Mirena, Skyla).Many men and women underwent the forced sterilization programs of the 1970s and 1980s.
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Birth Rates In North Korea
According to data from Statistics Korea, the South Korean National Statistical Office, the population of North Korea in 2019 stood at 25.25 million. The UN estimated that the fertility rate in North Korea between 2015 and 2020 was 1.91 children per woman of childbearing age and trending downward each year, and lower than the rate of 2.0 for the previous five-year period.The North Korean economy has been devastated by international nuclear sanctions and the closure of the border and suspension of all trade with China since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic in Jan. 2020.RFA previously reported that the government has been telling the people to prepare for conditions worse than the 1994-1998 famine, which killed millions of people, as much as 10 percent of the North Korean population by some estimates. . . .
A report by the United Nations Population Fund (UNPFA) said that North Korea’s current fertility rate of 1.9 is lower than the world average of 2.4 and lower than the Asia-Pacific region’s rate of 2.1, which is also the rate needed to maintain a country’s current population. North Korea ranked 119th out of 198 countries listed in the report.
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