Is Argentina on the verge of an external crisis?

There is for starters the question of what causes external crises. As I have noted in other places (chapter 7 here or here, for example), external crises are NOT caused, in general, by fiscal deficits (quite the opposite, fiscal crises are the result of balance of payments crises). External crises result from the inability to service foreign debt (and to import intermediate and foreign goods), which are caused by a shortage of foreign currency (i.e. dollars).

As it can be seen in the graph above (data from Orlando Ferreres for those concerned with the sources), the current account surplus as a share of exports has shrunk and is now negative (at around 4% or so of exports). Note, however, that the level is far from desperate, and well below the crises levels when the current account deficit is above 60% of the exports.

Part of the anxiety is associated to the fall in the central bank's reserves, which stand at around US$33 billions now, down from slightly more than US$50 in 2011. The European crisis and the negative real rates of interest explain the drain on reserves, which are also not at a critical point right now. A combination of exchange controls, that have been in place (and have not been particularly efficient), and higher rates of interest might stop the outflows.*

Sure enough a balance of payments crisis could ensue, if say Vulture Funds eventually force a default, or if an external shock like a worsening of the crisis in the central countries followed by flight to safety, or a collapse of the terms-of-trade lead to a sudden decrease in the value of exports. But those do not seem to be necessarily intrinsic to the Argentine situation, and a slow recovery in the center, with significant amounts of international liquidity, and no incredible collapse of the prices of commodities seems as likely as the alternative.

In other words, the problem in Argentina, which is relevant for many countries in the region, is the long-term development strategy, and not the short-run balance of payments position. What the shrinking of the current account surpluses, and the resulting constraints on policy space, suggests is that the continuous dependence on commodity exports (manufacturing exports go mostly to the region, i.e. Brazil, and produce a deficit), and the absence of a more coherent policy of import substitution and of industrial development, continues to be relevant, as predicted more than 60 years ago by Prebisch and ECLAC.

* Higher rates can be compensated by subsidized credit by the public banks if demand for credit increases, but that would require demand expansion.

How do you measure economic success?

So the piece on Argentina at the Guardian got a lot of comments. One suggested that Argentina has not been very succesful. As I pointed out in terms of growth (if you use Levy-Yeyati's numbers, as shown in the figure below; his series is the red line) the average rate of growth has been at slightly more than 6% per year since the default, which constitutes the highest rate in the country's history.

Further, if one looks at the expansion of real wages in the industrial sector (using Ferreres numbers; there is a 2nd edition with more recent data) you have an impressive increase of 8.9% per year since the default (up to 2009; they also grew in 2010 and 2011, even though it is less clear they will in 2012).

Sure real wages are still below the peaks (mid-1950s, early 1970s and the very short lived increase after the Austral Plan in the mid-1980s), but the recovery is impressive nonetheless. So the country grows and workers are doing better. I don't know what you think, but it looks pretty good to me.

PS: Levy-Yeyati and Ferreres' numbers (not the official) are the ones used by the critics to say that the boom was not a success.

China and Latin America

Back in the late 1960s and early 1970s the topic in economic development was the so-called Brazilian Miracle. Rates of growth were a staggering 7.5% on average, and in the last phase of the boom were in the two digit level. Forty years later the Brazilian economy is far from that kind of performance. Only the Chinese can boast such a miracle (at least so far). The graph below shows the relative performance of China with respect to both Argentina and Brazil from the 1950s until 2009.

The chart shows that until 1980 Brazil income per capita grew slightly faster than China, while Argentina did basically at the same rate, and both Latin American countries were considerably wealthier than China. By 2007 China's income per capita had surpassed that of Brazil and was approaching fast that of Argentina. Also, it is clear that in the 2000s the comparative performance of Argentina was better than that of Brazil.

These measures are with Geary-Khamis Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) 1990 dollars, which should be taken with some skepticism. From our perspective the important thing is that the data provides a good picture of the relative growth of China, even if the absolute level (whether the average Chinese is better off than the average Brazilian) might be less than precise. The source is from Fundación Norte y Sur, headed by Orlando Ferreres , but the original data (my guess is that with the exception of Argentina for the last few years) is from Angus Maddison.

I'll have more on the problems of PPP measures in a different post.