Showing posts with label Bowles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bowles. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 7, 2016

Phishing for phools


I've been trying to read this. Not a huge fan of the field of behavioral economics (or here; subscription required). Don't get me wrong, yes, it provides some critiques of elements of the mainstream (marginalist) approach, regarding essentially the notion of individual rationality, as did the work of, say, Herbert Simon, in the past. People don't tend to act in a rational way, at least not in the substantive way that is prescribed by the mainstream.

Evidence on the notion of universal selfishness is weak. Experiments have undermined the notion that the primary motivation of human action is self-regard. The ultimatum game, which has been played in many different countries and cultures, suggests that humans have a strong preference for fairness. Sam Bowles, who provides a short blurb for the book's back-cover, is one of the several progressive economists that thinks that the critique of rationality developed by behavioral economics is revolutionary, and that it is the source of an alternative to the mainstream (or probably more in line with his views of an evolution of the mainstream; he once said in a lecture at the University of Utah that Marx and Arrow said essentially the same things).

My view, and I promised a more detailed discussion when I'm done with the book, is that this is just one more iteration of the marginalist analysis trying to be relevant by introducing imperfections, the previous one being the idea of information economics, often associated with Joseph Stiglitz and George Akerlof, who is the co-author of the book with Robert Shiller. Stiglitz referred to his information economics as "Post Walrasian and Post Marxian Economics." It was very much in the Walrasian tradition, however.

In the case of behavioral economics, the notion that individual behavior is what matters continues to be central, even though the assumptions on how agents behave differ. The methodological individualist notion that all explanations must start from the microeconomic unit of analysis, and that microfoundations are central, prevails. The predominance of the individual over the whole. That is substantially different from what I would see as the main methodological stance of heterodox economics. Behavior is often discussed as being underpinned by social classes, as in the surplus approach tradition, and history and institutions are the basis for behavior. Markets often get stuck in sub-optimal positions, not so much because agents behave irrationally (even though they do, and behavioral insights might be incorporated in heterodox models), but because they work in different ways than assumed in marginalist analysis.

Issues of causality are considerably more important than behavioral issues. It is the structure of causality between variables that implies that effective demand (rather than Say's Law) holds, meaning that investment determines savings, for example. The same can be said about the determination of prices, where subjective elements are considered as given (and discussed at a lower level of abstraction, in historical and institutional fashion), and analysis proceeds from the objective elements associated to the technical conditions of production and a given distributive variable (again distribution being discussed at a lower level of abstraction, where the historical and institutional factors that affect labor legislation, the strength of unions, etc. play an important role).

PS: Besides these problems the book by Akerlof and Shiller starts by quoting Adam Smith invisible hand out of context, which is really problematic, and shows that the profession should go back and learn the history of its own discipline.

Wednesday, November 4, 2015

Bowles on Capitalism and Institutions

As I noted before I've been teaching a Political Economy course, which I assumed right before classes began, and, I decided to keep the textbook, since it was already ordered. The book is written by Bowles, Edwards, and in the last edition, Roosevelt and is titled Understanding Capitalism. I discussed before the meaning of capitalism here (see also this on the use of the term capitalism as a proxy for free market policies).

Here just a brief comment on the use of the idea of modes of production (economic systems in the textbook). The book discusses the economic system in the US from colonial times to the present and suggests that it was not capitalist early on (it even says that no economy ever started as capitalists).While it is true that settlement colonies are not like exploitation colonies, I find this proposition hard to defend.

Caio Prado Jr. one of the early Marxist analysts of Brazilian economic development noticed that Brazilian economic development was in effect from inception a footnote of the development of mercantile capitalism in Western Europe, and even though slavery predominated early on in the sugar plantations from the 16th century onwards, the system should not be seen as pre-capitalist, as some other Marxist authors suggested.

Mutatis mutandis, the US was constituted to export tobacco to the old continent (colonization started in Virginia, not with the Puritans in Massachusetts, in spite of myths of origin). But more importantly even in the settlement colonies, were Bowles suggests that a system of independent production of commodities dominated, the famous triangular trade is what allowed the region to subsist. Again this suggests that the system was heavily dependent on the institutions of mercantile capitalism.

Not completely clear to me, but certain passages in Bowles book seem to suggest that he also does not consider slavery as part of capitalism. This might be in line with the kind of argument put forward by authors like Eugene Genovese, which I discussed here before. Again, I tend to think that this is a misconception. In other words, the US economy (not the pre-Columbian societies that it displaced) was, as a much as the Brazilian economy, a footnote on the history of the development of Western European Capitalism, and very much part of that mode of production always.

The book also seems to accept to a great degree the Coase/North New Institutionalist arguments about the role of property rights. This seems in line with the behavioral preoccupations of the book, and with Bowles notion that outcomes should be derived from microeconomic behavior, emphasizing the role of incentives.

PS: There are other issues with the book that I find problematic, and perhaps will discuss in other posts, in particular the notion that employment is determined in the labor market and the use of an efficiency wage model as a political economy approach to labor issues. I quite never understood why this Marxist literature on efficiency wages does not cite Solow (they do cite Leibenstein) or other New Keynesian authors that basically present the same theory. Also the discussion of profits seems to suggest that accumulation is driven by supply side factors, rather than demand, although that should not be a surprise. The last one is not surprising though.

What is heterodox economics?

New working paper published by the Centro di Ricerche e Documentazione Piero Sraffa. From the abstract:  This paper critically analyzes Geof...