Baltimore papers of the 20th are received, and we make up the following summary of news from them:
The advices from Charleston harbor are up to Sunday evening last. The postponement of the assault on Thursday was caused by some difficulties in relation to ammunition and the severe indisposition of Gen. Gillmore. At the date of our dispatches the General had recovered, and it was generally understood that the grand bombardment would commence Monday morning.
The rebels had removed most of the guns from the parapet of the fort, and the impression prevailed that they would blow it up as soon as the assault commenced. The fact, however, that they had strongly protected the magazine by piling sand bags on the wharf against the rear wall, which was open to the fire from the shore batteries, seems to conflict with this theory of evacuation.
Admiral Dahlgren had a narrow escape from being killed by a ten-inch shot from Wagner as he was boarding one of the monitors whilst in action.
The rebels were busily at work on their new batteries on James Island, and it was supposed would attempt to drive our forces off Morris Island, or to annoy them so as to interfere with the attack on Sumter.
The draft in New York.
Despatches from New York state that the draft in the Sixth District is progressing. There has been no riotous demonstration in any part of the city, nor is any apprehended. All business is going on as usual. Through the measures taken a riot could not certainly live one hour either in New York or Brooklyn. A thousand names were drawn Wednesday. Five regiments of New England troops from the Army of the Potomac arrived in the North river Tuesday.
From the Potomac.
The army of the Potomac is probably about to return to a position nearer Washington than it has occupied for some time past. There is no present prospect of an immediate resumption of hostilities in Virginia by either side.
The Rochester conference.
The conference of politicians of the old Whig party, at Rochester, lasted three or four hours. The reported conclusion arrived at is that the restoration of peace and the re-establishment of the Union can only be brought about by the organization of the conservative elements of the North upon a platform similar to that of the Union Democracy of Kentucky. Letters from Ex- President Fillmore and other distinguished men were read. About thirty delegates were present.
From Mexico.
A San Francisco telegram gives news from the City of Mexico, via Acapulco, to the 22d of July. General Forey was issuing decrees daily.The French-Mexican newspapers urge the recognition of the Southern Confederacy. The Government paper says the Northern States are in favor of Juarez, while the Confederates are for a Mexican monarchy, and everything looks to the immediate recognition of the Confederacy by Mexico.
The guerillas were fighting on the road leading to the city of Mexico. The Mexicans take no prisoners, but slay all they capture. they wage a war of extermination.
Numerous assassinations had taken place on the capital of persons sympathizing with the French.
The Triumvirate Government was daily imprisoning and and shooting person who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the Emperor.
Mexicans have been publicly flogged for refusing to supply quarters to French officers.
One Mexican lady, named Rubio, had received two hundred lashes for refusing to receive French officers into her house. Her husband offered to pay a fine equal to her weight in silver, but Gen. Forey insisted on making an example of her. [Doubtless a Yankee lie.]
The future commander of the Army of the Potomac.
A correspondent of the New York Tribune seems to think that a change in the command of the army of the Potomac shortly may be safely assumed, and sketches two Generals, one of whom it is likely will get Meade's place:Brig. Gen. Warren, commanding the Engineer department of this army, has been nominated a Major General by the President. In conjunction with those of Gen. Hancock his services were very valuable to Gen. Meade at the battle of Gettysburg. Both were frequently with him during the fight, and both contributed much to the result by their judgment and valuable suggestions.
In the panorama of Commanding Generals which this army exhibits, of course we are to expect that Gen. Meade will one day be relieved. In that case, either Hancock or Warren may succeed him. Banks is also spoken of. Warren, though mentioned as a first-class engineer, and an officer generally capable, having a small command, and being circumscribed in his sphere, is little known beyond the limited circle of headquarters. He graduated at West Point, and commenced the war as Lieutenant Colonel of the 5th New York. Hancock, on the contrary, is known and admired by the army at large, and more especially for his magnificent management of the 2d corps during the Gettysburg fight. Though long a brilliant division commander in its organization, he had but recently taken command of the corps, and astonished the officers by his original and splendid generalship. In addition to his military genius, Hancock is strikingly polished and courtly in manners, and a model of rich manhood. Being absorbed by his profession, he gave little heed to politics before the rebellion, but has since ever been ready to acquiesce in the policy of the Government.
We have now Major-Generals at the head of the cavalry and engineering departments. Why not of the artillery? Of this, Brig. Gen. Hunt has long been the efficient head. During the Hooker dynasty, his power was much abridged from personal motives, and the result was seen in the terrible disorganisation of the artillery at Chancellorsville. He has been accused of a lingering fondness for slavery, but his disease is of a very mild type, and he is none the less an accomplished soldier and gentleman.
The retaliation case — another letter from Sawyer.
The following letter from Captain Sawyer, now under sentence of death in the Libby, to Mr. Joseph S. Leach, of Cape May, N. J., is published in the Baltimore papers:
You must have heard of my solemn condition before this time, but, notwithstanding, I will give you the particulars. I was severely wounded and taken prisoner on the 9th of June, near Brandy Station, Virginia, and arrived in Richmond on the 13th of June.
The Confederate Government claims that Burnside has executed two of their officers for recruiting in Kentucky, of which I know nothing, nor of the circumstances attending them.
On the 6th of July all the Union Captains now prisoners drew lots for two to be executed in retaliation, and it fell on me for one. This is my present situation, and you can imagine my feelings upon so serious a matter.
I have been upon many hard-fought fields of battle, where death seemed to stare me in the face; but, sir, all that is nothing to compare with what I experience every hour. It is a great inconvenience to which prisoners of war are in all cases subjected to have their letters inspected, but his is the rule in all countries. A third person, cold-blooded at best, if not what is worse, with an inclination to hold up to ridicule the expression of grief or affection, is permitted to have the review of a man's heart toward a beloved wife and children, a dear old mother or friend. The correspondence loses its value, and forces me to keep within bounds of discreet caution.
I cannot in justice complain of those who have me in their charge. Gen. Winder, military commander at Richmond, has treated me with great consideration. Capt. Turner, commanding the prison, has treated me with courtesy and feeling; also the rest of the officers with whom I have come in contact have all treated me with uniform kindness. And let me here say that, should the fortunes of war smile upon me in this my severest hour of trial, and compromise this matter between the two Governments, (for I have nothing whatever to do with it,) should I ever be in a position to return this act of kindness toward me, I should feel myself under obligations to do it.
I have strong hopes, and shall hope to the last, although it may be in vain; but I cannot think it just that I should suffer for the offences committed in a different department than the one in which in which I served, nor is there the least similarity between those two cases.
I received a letter from my dear wife. Truly it is enough to kill her, and my two children, who are both old enough to realize my situation, and all the rest of our family. It is hard thus to part with all of them.
I have only the consolation that it is not through anything I have done, or anything that I could evade doing, to bring this severe affliction upon my family. Again, I say, I have strong hopes yet that the bitter cup may pass from me; but it will always be a lesson in life should I get out of it. But you must not understand me that I am broken-hearted with my trial. Nay, I am resigned to anything that God in His mercy may put upon me. I feel that I have done nothing wrong — nothing more than my duty toward my country, my God, and friends, in the hour of my country's trial. I have stood by her to preserve her rank among nations, and to perpetrate her noble institutions to the inheritance of my children.
My dear friend, should I suffer death, look to my children. By law my family will be entitled to one-half of my actual pay, which will be thirty-six dollars per month. See to them, and let friend Magonagle know all about me, and the rest of my friends.
Will you send this letter, or its copy, to John T. Nixon and John F. Starr, to enlist them in my case, to procure for my wife and children their just due?
A Revolutionary Plot — Outspoken Treason in a Democratic Convention.
In the Maine Democratic State Convention, held at Portland last week, Gen. S. J. Anderson, acting as the special friend of Hon. Bion Bradbury, pledged that gentleman, if elected, to act in concert with the Governors of other States in withdrawing the troops from the field, and thus leaving the Government unable to defend itself against the assaults of the rebels. We find in the Portland Press a full report of the proceedings, which are commented on with great indignation by the Abolition press. The following is an extract:
- Vigil D. Paris.--Before General Anderson leaves the platform I wish to ask him whether, from his intercourse and conversation with Dr. Bradbury, he can state that Mr. Bradbury occupies the same position that he did a year ago in regard to the war.
- Anderson.--I think Mr. Bradbury's position is that of opposition to the war; with or without qualification he is opposed to the war. I don't say, gentlemen, (I do not wish to be held responsible for what I don't say,) I don't say there could not have arisen circumstances under which Mr. Bradbury might have favored the prosecution of the war. These circumstances do not arise now. He is as much opposed to the war, as now conducted by the Administration, as any gentleman present is or can be.
- V. D. P.--One year ago, then, he was in favor of the war. I will introduce private conversation. Mr. Bradbury has said within a fortnight if we do not adopt anti-war resolutions we shall lose the State by 25,000 to 30,000 majority. As far as he has gone in his letter I go with him; but he has not denounced this wicked, this unholy, this hellish war.
- Merrow of Topsham.--I wish to ask Gen. Anderson if Mr. Bradbury were elected Governor of Maine, he would, as he will declare a right to do, withdraw the troops now in the field?
- Anderson.--You have to-day passed resolutions upon this very question. You have declared your platform, and if you have not declared your mind upon this question, how can you ask your candidate to declare what you have not declared. You are committed to the resolutions. I do not agree with them in every particular; but I do not think it worth while to make an issue before this Convention. You have passed a resolution complimentary to Governor Seymour. When Governor Seymour withdraws the New York troops, then I pledge you that Bion Bradbury will withdraw the Maine troops. But we do not ask that our troops shall fight their way through New York and other States till they reach their homes in Maine.
