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Chapter 7: 1834-1837: Aet. 27-30.
- First visit to England.
-- reception by scientific men.
-- work on fossil fishes there.
-- liberality of English naturalists.
-- first relations with American science.
-- farther correspondence with Humboldt.
-- second visit to England.
-- continuation of ‘fossil fishes.’
-- other scientific publications.
-- attention drawn to glacial phenomena.
-- summer at Bex with Charpentier.
-- sale of original drawings for ‘fossil fishes.’
-- meeting of Helvetic Society.
-- address on ice-period.
-- letters from Humboldt and Von Buch.
In August, 1834, according to his cherished hope,
Agassiz went to
England, and was received by the scientific men with a cordial sympathy which left not a day or an hour of his short sojourn there unoccupied.
The following letter from
Buckland is one of many proffering hospitality and friendly advice on his arrival.
. . . I am rejoiced to hear of your safe arrival in
London, and write to say that I am
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in
Oxford, and that I shall be most happy to receive you and give you a bed in my house if you can come here immediately.
I expect
M. Arago and
Mr. Pentland from
Paris tomorrow (Wednesday) afternoon.
I shall be most happy to show you our Oxford Museum on Thursday or Friday, and to proceed with you toward
Edinburgh.
Sir Philip Egerton has a fine collection of fossil fishes near
Chester, which you should visit on your road.
I have partly engaged myself to be with him on Monday, September 1st, but I think it would be desirable for you to go to him Saturday, that you may have time to take drawings of his fossil fishes.
I cannot tell certainly what day I shall leave Oxford until I see M. Arago, whom I hope you will meet at my house, on your arrival in Oxford.
I shall hope to see you Wednesday evening or Thursday morning. Pray come to my house in Christ Church, with your baggage, the moment you reach Oxford. . . .
Agassiz always looked back with delight on this first visit to Great Britain.
It was the beginning of his life-long friendship with Buckland, Sedgwick, Murchison, Lyell, and
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others of like pursuits and interests.
Made welcome in many homes, he could scarcely respond to all the numerous invitations, social and scientific, which followed the Edinburgh meeting.
Guided by Dr. Buckland, to whom not only every public and private collection, but every rare specimen in the United Kingdom, seems to have been known, he wandered from treasure to treasure.
Every day brought its revelation, until, under the accumulation of new facts, he almost felt himself forced to begin afresh the work he had believed well advanced.
He might have been discouraged by a wealth of resources which seemed to open countless paths, leading he knew not whither, but for the generosity of the English naturalists who allowed him to cull, out of sixty or more collections, two thousand specimens of fossil fishes, and to send them to London, where, by the kindness of the Geological Society, he was permitted to deposit them in a room in Somerset House.
The mass of materials once sifted and arranged, the work of comparison and identification became comparatively easy.
He sent at once for his faithful artist, Mr. Dinkel, who began, without delay, to copy all such specimens as
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threw new light on the history of fossil fishes, a work which detained him in England for several years.
Agassiz made at this time two friends, whose sympathy and cooperation in his scientific work were invaluable to him for the rest of his life.
Sir Philip Egerton and Lord Cole (Earl of Enniskillen) owned two of the most valuable collections of fossil fishes in Great Britain.1 To aid him in his researches, their most precious specimens were placed at Agassiz's disposition; his artist was allowed to work for months on their collections, and even after Agassiz came to America, they never failed to share with him, as far as possible, the advantages arising from the increase of their museums.
From this time his correspondence with them, and especially with Sir Philip Egerton, is closely connected with the ever-growing interest as well as with the difficulties of his scientific career.
Reluctantly, and with many a backward look, he left England in October, and returned to his lectures in Neuchatel, taking with him such specimens as were indispensable to the progress of his work.
Every hour of the following winter which could be spared from his lectures was devoted to his fossil fishes.
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A letter of this date from Professor Silliman, of New Haven, Connecticut, marks the beginning of his relations with his future New England home, and announces his first New England subscribers.
. . . . From
Boston, March 6th, I had the honor to thank you for your letter of January 5th, and for your splendid present of your great work on fossil fishes—livraison 1-22 —received, with the plates.
I also gave a notice of the work in the April number of the Journal
2 (this present month), and republished
Mr. Bakewell's account of your visit to
Mr. Mantell's museum.
In Boston I made some little efforts in behalf of your work, and have the pleasure of naming as follows:—
Harvard University, Cambridge (Cambridge is only four miles from Boston), by Hon. Josiah Quincy, President.
Boston Athenaeum, by its Librarian.
Benjamin Green, Esq., President of the Boston Natural History Society.
I shall make application to some other institutions
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or individuals, but do not venture to promise anything more than my best exertions . . . .
Agassiz little dreamed, as he read this letter, how familiar these far-off localities would become to him, or how often, in after years, he would traverse by day and by night the four miles which lay between Boston and his home in Cambridge.
Agassiz still sought and received, as we see by the following letter, Humboldt's sympathy in every step of his work.
I am to blame for my neglect of you, my dear friend, but when you consider the grief which depresses me,
3 and renders me unfit to keep up my scientific connections, you will not be so unkind as to bear me any ill-will for my long silence.
You are too well aware of my high esteem for your talents and your character—you know too well the affectionate friendship I bear you—to fear for a moment that you could be forgotten.
I have seen the being I loved most, and
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who alone gave me some interest in this arid land, slowly decline.
For four long years my brother had suffered from a weakness of all the muscles, which made me always fear that the seat of the trouble was the medulla oblongata. Yet his step was firm; his head was entirely clear.
The higher intellectual faculties retained all their energy.
He was engaged from twelve to thirteen hours a day on his works, reading or rather dictating, for a nervous trembling of the hand prevented him from using a pen. Surrounded by a numerous family; living on a spot created, so to speak, by himself, and in a house which he had adorned with antique statues; withdrawn also from affairs, he was still attached to life.
The illness which carried him off in ten days—an inflammation of the chest—was but a secondary symptom of his disease.
He died without pain, with a strength of character and a serenity of mind worthy of the greatest admiration.
It is cruel to see so noble an intelligence struggle during ten long days against physical destruction.
We are told that in great grief we should turn with redoubled energy to the study of nature.
The advice is easy to give; but for a long time even the wish for distraction is wanting.
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My brother leaves two works which we intend to publish: one upon the languages and ancient Indian civilization of the Asiatic archipelago, and the other upon the structure of languages in general, and the influence of that structure upon the intellectual development of nations.
This last work has great beauty of style.
We shall soon begin the publication of it. My brother's extensive correspondence with all those countries over which his philological studies extended brings upon me just at present, such a multiplicity of occupations and duties that I can only write you these few lines, my dear friend, as a pledge of my constant affection, and, I may also add, my admiration of your eminent works.
It is a pleasure to watch the growing renown of those who are dear to us; and who should merit success more than you, whose elevation of character is proof against the temptations of literary self-love?
I thank you for the little you have told me of your home life.
It is not enough to be praised and recognized as a great and profound naturalist; to this one must add domestic happiness as well. . . .
I am about finishing my long and wearisome work of (illegible); a critical examination into the geography of the Middle Ages, of
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which fifty sheets are already printed.
I will send you the volumes as soon as they appear, in octavo.
I devoured your fourth number; the plates are almost finer than the previous ones; and the text, though I have only looked it through hastily, interested me deeply, especially the analytical catalogue of Bolca, and the more general and very philosophical views of fishes in general, pp. 57-64. The latter is also remarkable in point of style. . . .
M. von Buch, who has just left me, sends you a warm greeting.
None the less does he consider the method of issuing your text in fragments from different volumes, altogether diabolical.
I also complain a little, though in all humility; but I suppose it to be connected with the difficulty of concluding any one family, when new materials are daily accumulating on your hands.
Continue then as before.
In my judgment, M. Agassiz never does wrong. . . .
The above letter, though written in May, did not reach Agassiz until the end of July, when he was again on his way to England, where his answer is dated.
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. . . I cannot express to you my pleasure in reading your letter of May 10th (which was, unhappily, only delivered to me on my passage through
Carlsruhe, at the end of July). . . . To know that I have occupied your thoughts a moment, especially in days of trial and sorrow such as you have had to bear, raises me in my own eyes, and redoubles my hope for the future.
And just now such encouragement is particularly cheering under the difficulties which I meet in completing my task in
England.
I have now been here nearly two months, and I hope before leaving to finish the description of all that I brought together at the Geological Society last year.
Knowing that you are in
Paris, however, I cannot resist the temptation of going to see you; indeed, should your stay be prolonged for some weeks, it would be my most direct path for home.
I should like to tell you a little of what I have done, and how the world has gone with me since we last met. . . . I have certainly committed an imprudence in throwing myself into an enterprise so vast in proportion to my means as my ‘Fossil
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Fishes.’
But, having begun it, I have no alternative; my only safety is in success.
I have a firm conviction that I shall bring my work to a happy issue, though often in the evening I hardly know how the mill is to be turned to-morrow. . . .
By a great good fortune for me, the British Association, at the suggestion of Buckland, Sedgwick, and Murchison, has renewed, for the present year, its vote of one hundred guineas toward the facilitating of researches upon the fossil fishes of England, and I hope that a considerable part of this sum may be awarded to me, in which case I may be able to complete the greater number of the drawings I need.
If I had obtained in France only half the subscriptions I have had in England, I should be afloat; but thus far M. Bailliere has only disposed of some fifteen copies. . . . My work advances fairly; I shall soon have described all the species I know, numbering now about nine hundred.
I need some weeks in Paris for the comparison of several tertiary species with living ones in order to satisfy myself of their specific identity, and then my task will be accomplished.
Next comes the putting in order of all my notes.
My long vacations will give me time to do this with the greatest care. . . .
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His second visit to England, during which the above letter was written, was chiefly spent in reviewing the work of his artist, whom he now reinforced with a second draughtsman, M. Weber, the same who had formerly worked with him in Munich.
He also attended the meeting of the British Association in Dublin, stayed a few days at Oulton Park for another look at the collections of Sir Philip Egerton, made a second grand tour among the other fossil fishes of England and Ireland, and returned to Neuchatel, leaving his two artists in London with their hands more than full.
While Agassiz thus pursued his work on fossil fishes with ardor and an almost perilous audacity, in view of his small means, he found also time for various other investigations.
During the year 1836, though pushing forward constantly the publication of the ‘Poissons Fossiles,’ his ‘Prodromus of the Class of Echinodermata’ appeared in the Memoirs of the Natural History Society of Neuchatel, as well as his paper on the fossil Echini belonging to the Neocomien group of the Neuchatel Jura, accompanied by figures.
Not long after, he published in the Memoirs of the Helvetic Society his descriptions of fossil Echini peculiar to Switzerland, and issued also the first
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number of a more extensive work, ‘Monographie d'echinodermes.’
During this year he received a new evidence of the sympathy of the English naturalists, in the Wollaston medal awarded to him by the London Geological Society.
The summer of 1836 was an eventful one for Agassiz,—the opening, indeed, of a new and brilliant chapter in his life.
The attention of the ignorant and the learned had alike been called to the singular glacial phenomena of movement and transportation in the Alpine valleys.
The peasant had told his strange story of boulders carried on the back of the ice, of the alternate retreat and advance of glaciers, now shrinking to narrower limits, now plunging forward into adjoining fields, by some unexplained power of expansion and contraction.
Scientific men were awake to the interest of these facts, but had considered them only as local phenomena.
Venetz and Charpentier were the first to detect their wider significance.
The former traced the ancient limits of the Alpine glaciers as defined by the frame-work of debris or loose material they had left behind them; and Charpentier went farther, and affirmed that all the erratic boulders scattered over the plain of Switzerland
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and on the sides of the Jura had been thus distributed by ice and not by water, as had been supposed.
Agassiz was among those who received this hypothesis as improbable and untenable.
Still, he was anxious to see the facts in place, and Charpentier was glad to be his guide.
He therefore passed his vacation, during this summer of 1836, at the pretty town of Bex, in the valley of the Rhone.
Here he spent a number of weeks in explorations, which served at the same time as a relaxation from his more sedentary work.
He went expecting to confirm his own doubts, and to disabuse his friend Charpentier of his errors.
But after visiting with him the glaciers of the Diablerets, those of the valley of Chamounix, and the moraines of the great valley of the Rhone and its principal lateral valleys, he came away satisfied that a too narrow interpretation of the phenomena was Charpentier's only mistake.
During this otherwise delightful summer, he was not without renewed anxiety lest he should be obliged to suspend the publication of the Fossil Fishes for want of means to carry it on. On this account he writes from Bex to Sir Philip Egerton in relation to the sale of his original drawings, the only property he possessed.
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‘It is absolutely impossible,’ he says, ‘for me to issue even another number until this sale is effected. . . . I shall consider myself more than repaid if I receive, in exchange for the whole collection of drawings, simply what I have expended upon them, provided I may keep those which have yet to be lithographed until that be done.’
Sir Philip made every effort to effect a sale to the British Museum.
He failed at the moment, but the collection was finally purchased and presented to the British Museum by a generous relative of his own, Lord Francis Egerton.
In the mean time, Sir Philip and Lord Cole, in order to make it possible for Agassiz to retain the services of Mr. Dinkel, proposed to pay his expenses while he was drawing such specimens from their own collections as were needed for the work.
These drawings were, of course, finally to remain their own property.
During his sojourn at Bex, Agassiz's intellect and imagination had been deeply stirred by the glacial phenomena.
In the winter of 1837, on his return to Neuchatel, he investigated anew the slopes of the Jura, and found that the facts there told the same story.
Although he resumed with unabated ardor his
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various works on fishes, radiates, and mollusks, a new chapter of nature was all the while unfolding itself in his fertile brain.
When the Helvetic Association assembled at Neuchatel in the following summer, the young president, from whom the members had expected to hear new tidings of fossil fishes, startled them by the presentation of a glacial theory, in which the local erratic phenomena of the Swiss valleys assumed a cosmic significance.
It is worthy of remark here that the first large outlines in which Agassiz, when a young man, planned his intellectual work gave the key-note to all that followed.
As the generalizations on which all his future zoological researches were based, are sketched in the Preface to his ‘Poissons Fossiles,’ so his opening address to the Helvetic Society in 1837 unfolds the glacial period as a whole, much as he saw it at the close of his life, after he had studied the phenomena on three continents.
In this address he announced his conviction that a great ice-period, due to a temporary oscillation of the temperature of the globe, had covered the surface of the earth with a sheet of ice, extending at least from the north pole to Central Europe and Asia. ‘Siberian winter,’ he says, ‘established itself
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for a time over a world previously covered with a rich vegetation and peopled with large mammalia, similar to those now inhabiting the warm regions of India and Africa.
Death enveloped all nature in a shroud, and the cold, having reached its highest degree, gave to this mass of ice, at the maximum of tension, the greatest possible hardness.’
In this novel presentation the distribution of erratic boulders, instead of being classed among local phenomena, was considered ‘as one of the accidents accompanying the vast change occasioned by the fall of the temperature of our globe before the commencement of our epoch.’
This was, indeed, throwing the gauntlet down to the old expounders of erratic phenomena upon the principle of floods, freshets, and floating ice. Many well-known geologists were present at the meeting, among them Leopold von Buch, who could hardly contain his indignation, mingled with contempt, for what seemed to him the view of a youthful and inexperienced observer.
One would have liked to hear the discussion which followed, in special section, between Von Buch, Charpentier, and Agassiz.
Elie de Beaumont, who should have made the fourth, did not arrive till later.
Difference of opinion, however, never disturbed
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the cordial relation which existed between Von Buch and his young opponent.
Indeed, Agassiz's reverence and admiration for Von Buch was then, and continued throughout his life, deep and loyal.
Not alone from the men who had made these subjects their special study, did Agassiz meet with discouragements.
The letters of his beloved mentor, Humboldt, in 1837, show how much he regretted that any part of his young friend's energy should be diverted from zoology, to a field of investigation which he then believed to be one of theory rather than of precise demonstration.
He was, perhaps, partly influenced by the fact that he saw through the prejudiced eyes of his friend Von Buch.
‘Over your and Charpentier's moraines,’ he says, in one of his letters, ‘Leopold von Buch rages, as you may already know, considering the subject, as he does, his exclusive property.
But I too, though by no means so bitterly opposed to new views, and ready to believe that the boulders have not all been moved by the same means, am yet inclined to think the moraines due to more local causes.’
The next letter shows that Humboldt was seriously anxious lest this new field of activity,
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with its fascinating speculations, should draw Agassiz away from his ichthyological researches.
I have this moment received, my dear friend, by the hand of
M. de Werther, the cabinet minister, your eighth and ninth numbers, with a fine pamphlet of text.
I hasten to express my warm thanks, and I congratulate the public on your somewhat tardy resolution to give a larger proportion of text.
One should flatter neither the king, nor the people, nor one's dearest friend.
I maintain, therefore, that no one has told you forcibly enough how the very persons who justly admire your work, constantly complain of this fragmentary style of publication, which is the despair of those who have not the leisure to place your scattered sheets where they belong and disentangle the skein.
4
I think you would do well to publish for a while more text than plates.
You could do
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this the better because your text is excellent, full of new and important ideas, expressed with admirable clearness.
The charming letter (again without a date) which preceded your package impressed me painfully.
I see you are ill again; you complain of congestion of the head and eyes.
For mercy's sake take care of your health which is so dear to us. I am afraid you work too much, and (shall I say it frankly?) that you spread your intellect over too many subjects at once.
I think that you should concentrate your moral and also your pecuniary strength upon this beautiful work on fossil fishes.
In so doing you will render a greater service to positive geology, than by these general considerations (a little icy withal) on the revolutions of the primitive world; considerations which, as you well know, convince only those who give them birth.
In accepting considerable sums from England, you have, so to speak, contracted obligations to be met only by completing a work which will be at once a monument to your own glory and a landmark in the history of science.
Admirable and exact as your researches on other fossils are, your contemporaries claim from you the fishes above all. You will say that this is making you the slave
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of others; perfectly true, but such is the pleasing position of affairs here below.
Have I not been driven for thirty-three years to busy myself with that tiresome America, and am I not, even yet, daily insulted because, after publishing thirty-two volumes of the great edition in folio and in quarto, and twelve hundred plates, one volume of the historical section is wanting?
We men of letters are the servants of an arbitrary master, whom we have imprudently chosen, who flatters and pets us first, and then tyrannizes over us if we do not work to his liking.
You see, my dear friend, I play the grumbling old man, and, at the risk of deeply displeasing you, place myself on the side of the despotic public. . . .
With reference to the general or periodical lowering of the temperature of the globe, I have never thought it necessary, on account of the elephant of the Lena, to admit that sudden frost of which Cuvier used to speak.
What I have seen in Siberia, and what has been observed in Captain Beechey's expedition on the northwest coast of America, simply proves that there exists a layer of frozen drift, in the fissures of which (even now) the muscular flesh of any animal which should accidentally fall into them would be preserved intact.
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It is a slight local phenomenon.
To me, the ensemble of geological phenomena seems to prove, not the prevalence of this glacial surface on which you would carry along your boulders, but a very high temperature spreading almost to the poles, a temperature favorable to organizations resembling those now living in the tropics.
Your ice frightens me, and gladly as I would welcome you here, my dear friend, I think, perhaps, for the sake of your health, and also that you may not see this country, always so hideous, under a sheet of snow and ice (in February), you would do better to come two months later, with the first verdure.
This is suggested by a letter received yesterday by M. d'o——, which alarmed me a little, because the state of your eyes obliged you to write by another hand.
Pray do not think of traveling before you are quite well.
I close this letter, feeling sure that it does not contain a line which is not an expression of friendship and of the high esteem I bear you. The magnificence of your last numbers, eight and nine, cannot be told.
How admirably executed are your Macropoma, the Ophiopris procerus, Mantell's great beast, the minute details of the Dercetis, Psammodus, . . . . the skeletons. . . . There is nothing
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like it in all that we possess upon vertebrates.
I have also begun to study your text, so rich in well arranged facts; the monograph of the Lepidostei, the passage upon the bony rays, and, dear Agassiz, I could hardly believe my eyes, sixty-five continuous pages of the third volume, without interruption!
You will spoil the public.
But, my good friend, you have already information upon a thousand species; ‘claudite jam rivos!’
You say your work can go on if you have two hundred subscribers; but if you continue to support two traveling draughtsmen, I predict, as a practical man, that it cannot go on. You cannot even publish what you have gathered in the last five years. Consider that in attempting to give a review of all the fossil fishes which now exist in collections, you pursue a phantom which ever flies before you. Such a work would not be finished in less than fifteen years, and besides, this now is an uncertain element.
Cannot you conquer yourself so far as to finish what you have in your possession at present?
Recall your artists.
With the reputation you enjoy in Europe, whatever might essentially change your opinion on certain organisms would willingly be sent to you. If you continue to keep two ambassadors in foreign
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lands, the means you destine for the engraving and printing will soon be absorbed.
You will struggle with domestic difficulties, and at sixty years of age (tremble at the sight of this number!) you will be as uncertain as you are to-day, whether you possess, even in your collection of drawings, all that is to be found among amateurs.
How exhaust an ocean in which the species are indefinitely increasing?
Finish, first, what you have this December, 1837, and then, if the subject does not weary you, publish the supplements in 1847.
You must not forget that these supplements will be of two kinds: 1st.
Ideas which modify some of your old views.
2d.
New species.
Only the first kind of supplement would be really desirable.
Furthermore, you must regain your intellectual independence and not let yourself be scolded any more by M. de Humboldt.
Little will it avail you should I vanish from the scene of this world with your fourteenth number!
When I am a fossil in my turn I shall still appear to you as a ghost, having under my arm the pages you have failed to interpolate and the volume of that eternal America which I owe to the public.
I close with a touch of fun, in order that my letter may seem a little less
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like preaching.
A thousand affectionate remembrances.
No more ice, not much of echinoderms, plenty of fish, recall of ambassadors in partibus, and great severity toward the book-sellers, an infernal race, two or three of whom have been killed under me.
I sigh to think of the trouble my horrible writing will give you.
A letter of about the same date from Von Buch shows that, however he might storm at Agassiz's heterodox geology, he was in full sympathy with his work in general.
December 22, 1837.
. . . Pray reinstate me in the good graces of my unknown benefactor among you. By a great mistake the reports of the Society forwarded to me from
Neuchatel have been sent back.
As it is well known at the post-office that I do not keep the piles of educational journals sent to me from
France, the postage on them being much too heavy for my means, they took it for granted that this journal, the charges on which amounted to several crowns, was of the number.
I am very sorry.
I do
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not even know the contents of the journal, but I suppose it contained papers of yours, full of genius and ardor.
I like your way of looking at nature, and I think you render great service to science by your observations.
A right spirit will readily lead you to see that this is the true road to glory, far preferable to the one which leads to vain analogies and speculations, the time for which is long past.
I am grieved to hear that you are not well, and that your eyes refuse their service.
M. de Humboldt tells me that you are seeking a better climate here, in the month of February.
You may find it, perhaps, thanks to our stoves.
But as we shall still have plenty of ice in the streets, your glacial opinions will not find a market at that season.
I should like to present you with a memoir or monograph of mine, just published, on Spirifer and Orthis, but I will take good care to let no one pay postage on a work which, by its nature, can have but a very limited interest. . . . I will await your arrival to give you these descriptions.
I am expecting the numbers of your
Fossil Fishes, which have not yet come.
Humboldt often speaks of them to me. Ah!
how much I prefer you in a field which is wholly your own than in one where you break in
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upon the measured and cautious tread, introduced by
Saussure in geology.
You, too, will reconsider all this, and will yet treat the views of
Saussure and
Escher with more respect.
Everything here turns to infusoria.
Ehrenberg has just discovered that an apparently sandy deposit, twenty feet in thickness, under the ‘Luneburgerheyde,’ is composed entirely of infusoria of a kind still living in the neighborhood of
Berlin.
This layer rests upon a brown deposit known to be ten feet in thickness.
The latter consists, for one fifth of the depth, of pine pollen, which burns.
The rest is of infusoria.
Thus these animals, which the naked eye has not power to discern, have themselves the power to build up mountain chains. . . .