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United States (United States) (search for this): article 7
ific settlement of the quarrel; if we had listened to the suggestions of public opinion; or if we had taken offence when offence was evidently intended, the Confederate States would ere now have been recognized by all the European Powers. There are among our foremost statesmen not a few who think we should have taken some steps in that direction. There are many who insist that the Confederate States have made themselves a nation. But our Government has steadfastly refused to depart from the principle it laid down for its guidance when the struggle commenced, and by that principle it is, as Mr. Adams well knows, resolved to abide. We desire to live in povernment would not be warranted in interfering. [Hear, hear.] Well, then, my Lords, if you have not satisfied the Federals, neither have you satisfied the Confederate States.--[Hear.] You have not satisfied the Poles, and you have offended Russia. In conclusion, the speaker recapitulated the existing differences between her Maj
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): article 7
In conclusion, the speaker recapitulated the existing differences between her Majesty's Government and most of the European Powers, and denounced the policy that had produced such embarrassments as a source of national danger. Lord Russell defended the course he had taken on the ground that intervention generally failed of its object, and aggravated the evils it sought to prevent. He did not admit Lord Derby's principle, that England was bound to accept whatever France proposed. As to Mexico, her Majesty's Government had stated from the beginning that England had no intention of regulating the internal affairs of that country. We bated to obtain redress of our own grievances, not to set up any particular form of Government. As to the French proposal in reference to the States of the American Confederacy, Lord Russell said: "I think that, though on some questions which arise the Emperor of the French may pursue a different policy from that which we follow, he gives full weight
Russia (Russia) (search for this): article 7
re toward the latter end of August, and early in September the noble Earl took the strong step of seizing the so-called Confederate rams in the Mersey upon that very suspicion as to which, a year before, the Attorney General informed Parliament that the Government would not be warranted in interfering. [Hear, hear.] Well, then, my Lords, if you have not satisfied the Federals, neither have you satisfied the Confederate States.--[Hear.] You have not satisfied the Poles, and you have offended Russia. In conclusion, the speaker recapitulated the existing differences between her Majesty's Government and most of the European Powers, and denounced the policy that had produced such embarrassments as a source of national danger. Lord Russell defended the course he had taken on the ground that intervention generally failed of its object, and aggravated the evils it sought to prevent. He did not admit Lord Derby's principle, that England was bound to accept whatever France proposed. As
France (France) (search for this): article 7
have been both just and forbearing. If we had consulted our commercial interests; if we had consented to take part with France in an intervention to bring about a pacific settlement of the quarrel; if we had listened to the suggestions of public opvated the evils it sought to prevent. He did not admit Lord Derby's principle, that England was bound to accept whatever France proposed. As to Mexico, her Majesty's Government had stated from the beginning that England had no intention of regulati think the interest of this country calls upon us to pursue. [Hear, hear.] Then, the noble Earl says that we differ from France about the recognition of the Southern States of America. Now, no such proposal was ever made to us. There was a proposal reconcile the North and South; but it was tolerably obvious that if the proposal was made by two Powers, say England and France, it would irritate the Northern States, would fail of effect, and that there was much better chance of a reconciliation b
Alexandra (search for this): article 7
as going to depart from that course, of which there is no of surplusage to have filled the speech with a repetition of the statements made on former occasions, and which are still binding upon her Majesty's Government. [Hear, hear.] The Alexandra case. The Alexandra case has been dismissed.--The London Times devotes a large share of its columns to the discussion of the subject. As it stands now a dead lock has occurred by the dismissal of the appeal by the Court of Error, from the CAlexandra case has been dismissed.--The London Times devotes a large share of its columns to the discussion of the subject. As it stands now a dead lock has occurred by the dismissal of the appeal by the Court of Error, from the Court of Exchequer, which tried the case in the first instance, on the ground of the want of jurisdiction. But a loophole, it is said, has been discovered by crown lawyers, by which the case will be taken to the House of Lords, and when once before that august body it will no doubt be thoroughly ventilated, and we shall learn from the debates thereon the real sentiment of the British Government. It is said that the rule in cases of appeal to the House of Lords is, to subject the matter to the
Adam (search for this): article 7
American affair's in Europe. British opinion of Mr. Adam's retention of Seward's Demand. [From the London Post (Governm't organ) Feb. 11] It appears that Mr. Seward's dispatch, which Lord Derby described as "peremptory, " and Sir Hugh Cairns as "peculiar," has never been delivered to Earl Russell, to whom it was addressed. In the exercise of a discretion which is also somewhat peculiar, Mr. Adams, it would seem, abstained from reading this document to the Foreign Secretary, and leaving with him a copy, as he was directed to do. The dispatch has been laid upon the table of Congress, but as it has not been communicated to Her Majesty's Government it could not be included in the papers laid before Parliament. Some curious member of the Federal Legislature may be able to elicit further information, but the Government of this country have, as we understand Earl Russell and Mr. Layard, no official knowledge of the existence of such a dispatch. There is a little mystery about the
Layard (search for this): article 7
r, Mr. Adams, it would seem, abstained from reading this document to the Foreign Secretary, and leaving with him a copy, as he was directed to do. The dispatch has been laid upon the table of Congress, but as it has not been communicated to Her Majesty's Government it could not be included in the papers laid before Parliament. Some curious member of the Federal Legislature may be able to elicit further information, but the Government of this country have, as we understand Earl Russell and Mr. Layard, no official knowledge of the existence of such a dispatch. There is a little mystery about the matter in regard to the subsequent dispatch from Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward, to which Lord Derby adverted; but in whatever manner the American Minister here and the American Minister at Washington may have settled what concerns themselves and their own Government, the distinct affirmation of our Foreign Secretary, that no such dispatch has been delivered to him, is sufficient to account for its om
Washington (search for this): article 7
the sale of vessels of this kind in this country, the result must be that the Federal Government will take the law into their own hands; that the cruisers will follow these vessels into British ports, and will in British waters maintain their own interests. My Lords, I hope the noble Earl will be able to show that he has answered that dispatch in a manner which will put an end to such monstrous demands for the future.--[Hear, hear.] But, if I am not mistaken, the last dispatch from Washington was written about August, and was received here toward the latter end of August, and early in September the noble Earl took the strong step of seizing the so-called Confederate rams in the Mersey upon that very suspicion as to which, a year before, the Attorney General informed Parliament that the Government would not be warranted in interfering. [Hear, hear.] Well, then, my Lords, if you have not satisfied the Federals, neither have you satisfied the Confederate States.--[Hear.] You have
Seward (search for this): article 7
American affair's in Europe. British opinion of Mr. Adam's retention of Seward's Demand. [From the London Post (Governm't organ) Feb. 11] It appears that Mr. Seward's dispatch, which Lord DerMr. Seward's dispatch, which Lord Derby described as "peremptory, " and Sir Hugh Cairns as "peculiar," has never been delivered to Earl Russell, to whom it was addressed. In the exercise of a discretion which is also somewhat peculiar, re is a little mystery about the matter in regard to the subsequent dispatch from Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward, to which Lord Derby adverted; but in whatever manner the American Minister here and the Ameriurs. We can understand the pressure of political necessity, and we know that greater men than Mr. Seward have been constrained to acknowledge the force of circumstances.--Still, it is very much to beshould have been made public by the Government whose Minister refrained from presenting it. If Mr. Seward was as well acquainted with the present temper of the people of this country as Mr. Adams is,
Adams (search for this): article 7
l, to whom it was addressed. In the exercise of a discretion which is also somewhat peculiar, Mr. Adams, it would seem, abstained from reading this document to the Foreign Secretary, and leaving witispatch. There is a little mystery about the matter in regard to the subsequent dispatch from Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward, to which Lord Derby adverted; but in whatever manner the American Minister herewith the American Minister about a dispatch that gentleman thought proper to keep to himself. Mr. Adams probably said he had got the missive in his pocket, and he was perhaps a little vexed that it If Mr. Seward was as well acquainted with the present temper of the people of this country as Mr. Adams is, he would as soon have, thought of lighting his sugar in a powder magazine. Coming, too, aple it laid down for its guidance when the struggle commenced, and by that principle it is, as Mr. Adams well knows, resolved to abide. We desire to live in peace with both belligerents; but they mu
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