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Quincy, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
eat and glorious object to effect, namely, that of rallying to their standard the other States by the universal emancipation of their slaves. If the Union must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question upon which it ought to break. As to the result of the breach, the great statesman's prevision was clear: If slavery be the destined sword, in the hand of the destroying angel, which is to sever the ties of this Union, the same sword will cut asunder the bonds of slavery itself. Quincy's Life of Adams, p. 114; Lib. 28.170. Garrison's perception was identical with Adams's. He greeted his readers at the opening of the thirty-first Lib. 31:[2]. volume of the Liberator with these words, suggested by the political situation: All Union-saving efforts are simply idiotic. At last, the covenant with death is annulled, and the agreement with hell broken—at least by the action of South Carolina, and ere long by all the slaveholding States, for their doom is one. Joy! But, a
Concord, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
ved that actual disruption of the Union can occur without blood. And if, through the madness of Northern abolitionism, that dire calamity must come, the fighting will not be along Mason's and Dixon's line merely: it [will] be within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have referred. Those who defy law and scout constitutional obligations, will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Independent Democrat, Concord, N. H., Sept. 17, 1863; Greeley's Am. Conflict, 1.513; Lib. 33.158. On the other hand, the acknowledged coming man of the Republican Party, William H. Seward, doubtless well content to have been absent in Europe during the John Brown excitement, landed in New York on Lib. 30.3. December 27, 1859, to the sound of guns in the City Hall park, and made a triumphal progress to his home in Auburn. Resuming his place in the Senate, where he was shunned Lib. 30.11. by his virtuous Southern colle
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
with us! Long John has gone over to Douglas! The Higher Power at the helm of affairs paid no attention to such trivialities. The October State elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, following those in New Lib. 30.163, 147. England, clearly foreshadowed the result of the national contest. Will the South be so obliging as to secede from the Union? Lib. 30.163. asked Mr. Garrison. And, I salute your Convention with hope and joy, he wrote to his Lib. 30.175. friend Johnston in Vermont, on October 15. All the omens are with us. Forward! N. R. Johnston. On the sixth of November, Lincoln was elected by the vote of every Northern Lib. 30.178. State save one; and that array of the North under one banner and the South under an opposing banner foreseen Ante, p. 87. by Mr. Garrison in 1843—with the issue sure, whether prudence or desperation ruled the counsels of the Slave Power—at length came to pass. For the first time in our history, said Wendell Phillips, the slave has
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
very. The lamentable tragedy at Harper's Ferry is clearly traceable to the unjustifiable attempt to force slavery into Kansas by a repeal of the Missouri Compromise. So thought and wrote, to a New York meeting of Dec. 16, 1859; Lib. 29.205. Unioas shunned Lib. 30.11. by his virtuous Southern colleagues, he made his first manifesto in a speech on his bill to admit Kansas. Instead Feb. 29, 1860; Lib. 30.31, 37. of proclaiming afresh, with all the force of the latest evidence, the irreprese Republican Party from the stigma of universal cowardice. If slavery is right in Virginia, said Lovejoy, it is right in Kansas—words of whose full logic he stopped short, indeed, but which confirmed the South in its habit of identifying the Republiowardly were the Republicans that, Mr. Seward chancing to be in Chicago, and having recovered his tone in a late visit to Kansas, so as to be able to reaffirm the irrepressible conflict, the Lib. 30.161. party managers wanted their torchlight proces
Harper's Ferry (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
rrison hails the secession of South Carolina as the end of the old Union and of slavery. The lamentable tragedy at Harper's Ferry is clearly traceable to the unjustifiable attempt to force slavery into Kansas by a repeal of the Missouri Compromiseing of John Brown. It was the historic truth; and the work of Nemesis had but begun. Directly after the attack on Harper's Ferry, the South initiated disunion by fortifying itself against domestic insurrection, both by extra vigilance and armed p Lib. 30.171. or over the perennial fear of slave risings, such as infected Lib. 29.187, 191. the whole South after Harper's Ferry, and in the summer and autumn of 1860 raged afresh, so that, as President Lib. 30.137, 141, 146, 149, 163, 171, 177,The North bade them good-bye with a smile at their silliness, and turned an incredulous ear to the Southern echoes of Harper's Ferry in both Houses of Congress. Had not Fremont's possible election in 1856 been made the ground Ante, p. 435. of threa
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
m, and with their future looking out of their eyes, the slaveholder, or the abolitionist either, believes the lies that they call speeches. William Pinkney of Maryland, addressing the U. S. Senate on April 15, 1820, on the admission of Missouri, and repelling the intimation that the slave States did not possess a republican forich their arguments must lead if they are of any value? Do they reflect that they lead to emancipation in the old United States, or to an exclusion of Delaware, Maryland and all the South, and a great portion of the West, from the Union? . . . They have no disposition to meddle with slavery in the old United States. Perhaps not-ccompanied by what seemed a necessary provision for the surrender of fugitive slaves —else had the District become a refuge for them from the adjoining States of Maryland and Virginia, and from the whole seaboard. Singling out this provision, Mr. Phillips published in the Liberator of June Lib. 30.99. 22, 1860, a stinging articl
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
The Democratic Party breaks in two at Charleston, and Lincoln is elected President. Garrison hails the secession of South Carolina as the end of the old Union and of slavery. The lamentable tragedy at Harper's Ferry is clearly traceable to the uosen Lib. 30.184. a President of the United States. . . . Lincoln is in place, Garrison in power. The Governor of South Carolina, after the October handwriting on the wall, had called an extra session of Lib. 30.171, 181. the Legislature to provtion, of a representation for slaves—for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons ... The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not idiotic. At last, the covenant with death is annulled, and the agreement with hell broken—at least by the action of South Carolina, and ere long by all the slaveholding States, for their doom is one. Joy! But, alas! not by Northern manhood, con
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
on is at hand. Lib. 30.2. He pressed forward the renewal of the petitions to the Legislature for a law to make Lib. 30.2, 23, 50. slavecatching impossible in Massachusetts, and addressed the Lib. 30.27. Committee to whom they were referred, and who again disappointed his hope, rather than his expectation. He Lib. 30.50. knew Party could escape this just condemnation, subserviency was in some merely a logical attitude. While Governor Banks vetoed Lib. 30.10, 30. a revised code of Massachusetts rather than tolerate the omission of the word white from its militia law, and revetoed the bill introduced and passed as a separate Lib. 30.43, [46]. measure;There was yet time before the inauguration of Lincoln to arrange a final compromise to restore forever the tottering Union as it was. In this fatuous endeavor Massachusetts Republicans were destined to take part—among them the son of John Quincy Adams. In 1820 the father wrote in his Diary, 5.12. Diary: I have favored this
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 20
which it has adopted or avowed—namely, the saving of the Territories of the United States, if possible, by constitutional and lawful means, from being the homes for re of any value? Do they reflect that they lead to emancipation in the old United States, or to an exclusion of Delaware, Maryland and all the South, and a great pothe Union? . . . They have no disposition to meddle with slavery in the old United States. Perhaps not-but who shall answer for their successors. . . It is the natuaid Wendell Phillips, the slave has chosen Lib. 30.184. a President of the United States. . . . Lincoln is in place, Garrison in power. The Governor of South Carhave united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted hat a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States. The lines we have italicized indicated the Southern ultimatum of compr
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 20
63, 167, 178, 179, 181, 183, 185. disruption, had brought about a white exodus—when even, as in Georgia, Northerners coming by sea were Lib. 30.187, 191. kept from landing. Mr. Garrison, himself st excuse for spontaneous heat over such trifles, any more than over a slave-burning like that in Georgia in October, Lib. 30.171. or over the perennial fear of slave risings, such as infected Lib. 2d already been said during the current session. Two examples will suffice. Senator Iverson of Georgia Lib. 30.17. was ready to lead away the Southern delegation on the mere election of John Shermaba—which meant simply the revival of the slave trade. Mr. Gaulden, one of the delegates from Georgia, spoke openly (and humorously) on May 1 in favor of this revival, without which, he said, it woarticles of merchandise, under the name of persons ... The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
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