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Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
to them, nor to the Baptists, nor the Methodists; for they, too, are against the slave, and all the sects are combined to prevent that jubilee which it is the will of God should come. . . . Be not startled when I say that a belief in Jesus is no evidence of goodness (hisses); no, friends. Voice—Yes it is. Mr. Garrison—Our friend says yes; my position is no. It is worthless as a test, for the reason I have already assigned in reference to the other tests. His praises are sung in Louisiana, Alabama, and the other Southern States just as well as in Massachusetts. Captain Rynders—Are you aware that the slaves in the South have their prayer-meetings in honor of Christ? Mr. Garrison—Not a slaveholding or a slave-breeding Jesus. (Sensation.) The slaves believe in a Jesus that strikes off chains. In this country, Jesus has become obsolete. A profession in him is no longer a test. Who objects to his course in Judaea? The old Pharisees are extinct, and may safely be deno
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
stion— upon what can they agitate? . . . Then, will they agitate about the [abolition of the] slave-trade in the District of Columbia? That is accomplished. There remained the abolition disunionists, the Garrisonians, of whom Senator Toombs of Georgia had said: In my Robert Toombs. judgment, their line of policy is the fairest, most just, Lib. 20.49. most honest and defensible of all the enemies of our institutions—and such will be the judgment of impartial history—they might, indeed, agitaer was encouraging the commercial interests of Lib. 20.177. the great metropolis of the country [to] speak with united hearts and voices for slavery and Union. Boston itself was in a fever of excitement caused by the presence of Lib. 20.174. Georgia agents bent on recapturing William and Ellen Ante, p. 247. Craft, who had to be hurried off to England. Mr.Lib. 21.14, 15, 141, 153; 22.2. Thompson might have rubbed his eyes and asked himself if he had really been absent for fifteen years. Wh<
Syracuse (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
bers, leaking from stem to stern, laboring heavily on a storm-tossed sea, surrounded by clouds of disastrous portent, navigated by those whose object is a piratical one (namely, the extension and perpetuity of slavery), and destined to go down, full many a fathom deep, to the joy and exultation of all who are yearning for the deliverance of a groaning world.Zzz He had also drawn hostile attention to himself by a letter Lib. 20.6, 21, 25. to the mass convention of abolitionists held at Syracuse, N. Y., on January 15, of which the closing sentence read: I am for the abolition of slavery, therefore for the dissolution of the Union. Later, he drafted for himself and others a protest against the summary disposal of disunion Lib. 20.26, 30. petitions by the Massachusetts Legislature, alleging: （3.) That while your petitioners are subjected, by the Lib. 20.30. Constitution and laws of the United States, and therefore of this Commonwealth, to heavy fines for obeying the law of God,
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did not hesitate to threaten the district-attorney in open court. Meanwhile, the new Whig Administration quite justifiably discharged Rynders from the Custom-house, leaving him free to pose as a saviour of the Union against traitors—a sa
Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
tly Lib. 20.191, 202. arraigned, found his excuse satisfactory. The meeting was finally turned out of doors by the police, but the reception was adjourned to Worcester, and Lib. 20.190, 193, 197. was supplemented by a second, at which the Mayor of that Henry Chapin. city presided in his unofficial capacity. In other Massachueat of assassination pencilled on the margin Lib. 20.194. of the copy sent him,—Keep a sharp lookout for Colt's revolver,—Mr. Thompson felicitously responded at Worcester: Those who plead for the American slave are under the protection of Him who hath said: No weapon formed against you shall prosper. Isa. 54.17. But Mr. Garrisonhad illustrated in the most signal manner both the intellectual and the political capacity of her sex, penned the letter just quoted on the day of the opening at Worcester of the first Woman's Rights Lib. 20.142, 175, 181. Convention in Massachusetts. Mr. Garrison had attended in June a preliminary meeting, in Boston, at which he
Concord, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
quence, was heard with pleasure and without molestation. He received and accepted invitations even from New Hampshire. Parker Pillsbury, however, wrote from Concord, N. H., to Mr. Garrison: I take the liberty of calling your attention to the late Union Ms. Nov. 28, 1850. meeting in Manchester in this State, as reported in for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Concord who, three months—and three weeks—ago, defended the higher law, are now its open scoffers—and influential men, too. Such cholera of the human conscience never before swept over a nation. Concord was not more responsive to Manchester than to Richmond, Va., whose Enquirer (of the date of the Boston mob), going into a rage over Thompson's reappearance in the United States, asked if the Government would tolerate him in silence. Does no law, no Power, exist to punish Lib. 20.194. a member <
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
et was at an end. Clay's programme was: To yield to the inevitable in Lib. 20.21. the case of California, and admit her as a free State— yet with the air of conceding something. To organize the Ter John P. Hale with passionate blasphemy, your business, your avocation is gone! . . . There is California— she is admitted into the Union; will they [the Free Soilers] agitate about that? Well, thereof the Confederacy [Texas] in an attitude of sedition; while a fifth only reluctantly admitted California as a free State when she had refused to contaminate herself with slavery. Which one of these 2. of slavery in America, and of its guarantees in the Constitution; his pretext, in regard to California and New Mexico, that their physical conditions debarred African slavery, and he would not take of the Southern filibustering Lib. 19.14, 136; 20.114. against Cuba; his recommendation that California be Lib. 20.116. admitted a free State without conditions—dismayed the Southern extremists, an<
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
rilled the equilibrium of slave and free States; and the Compromise did not protect that equilibrium. The Fugitive Slave Bill introduced by Senator Butler of South Carolina would Andrew P. Butler. not meet the hopes of its author and supporters. It is impossible to execute any law of Congress until the people of the States shalince 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppon to concert disunion from the Lib. 21.3. Southern point of view; the various Southern legislative Lib. 20.5, 26, 31, 34. preparations for the same event. South Carolina made an appropriation for arms, and Governor Floyd of Lib. 20.26; cf. 21.3. Virginia, for the better recovery of fugitives, recommended a system of taxation <
Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
o apply to the South at large, as the size of gangs increased going Gulfward (Lib. 20: 38). In a speech delivered in 1844, Cassius Clay said, 31,495 only [of the then population of Kentucky] the Auditor's books show to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Hewitt, Auditor of Kentucky; and see Greeley's Life of C. M. Clay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—350,000 (Josiah Quincy, June 5, 1856, Library of American literature, 4.308; Wm. H. Herndon, 1856, Lib. 26.70; Theodore Parker, 1856, Lib. 26.81; Harriet Martineau, 1857, Lib. 27: 173); 400,000 (W. L. G., 1857, Lib. 27: 72; Owen Lovejoy, April 5, 1860, Lib. 30: 62). For the sake of the moneyed interests and social and political supremacy of this oligarchy, the whole c
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
y of the people of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Concord who, three months—and three weeks—ago, defended the higher law, are now its open scoffers—and influential men, too. Such cholera of the human conscience never before swept over a nation. Concord was not more responsive to Manchester than to Richmond, Va., whose Enquirer (of the date of the Boston mob), going into a rage over Thompson's reappearance in the United States, asked if the Government would tolerate him in silence. Does no law, no Power, exist to punish Lib. 20.194. a member of Parliament who comes among us a disturber of the public peace? He should be consumed in the wrath of an indignant people for his audacity. To this, and to a threat of assassination pencilled on the margin Lib. 20.194. of the copy sent him,—Keep a s
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