hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 1,668 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 440 0 Browse Search
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) 256 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis 239 3 Browse Search
Missouri (Missouri, United States) 172 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 168 0 Browse Search
J. E. Johnston 166 0 Browse Search
P. G. T. Beauregard 158 6 Browse Search
Robert Anderson 136 6 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 124 2 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Search the whole document.

Found 82 total hits in 20 results.

1 2
Delaware (Delaware, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
which proved to be the opening of Pandora's box. The vote in the Senate on the proposition to continue the line of the Missouri Compromise through the newly acquired territory to the Pacific was twenty-four yeas to thirty-two nays. Reckoning Delaware and Missouri as Southern states, the vote of the two sections was exactly equal. The yeas were all cast by Southern Senators; the nays were all Northern except two from Delaware, one from Missouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionabDelaware, one from Missouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may have been in 1820 to adopt that political line as expressing a geographical definition of different sectional interests, and however it may be condemned as the assumption by Congress of a function not delegated to it, it is to be remembered that the act had received such recognition and quasi-ratification by the people of the states as to give it a value which it did not originally possess. Pacification had been the fruit borne by the tree, and it should not have been recklessly hewed
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
9-50 the Compromise measures virtual Abrogation of the Missouri Compromise the admission of California the fugitive slave law-death of Calhoun Anecdote of Clay. The first session of the Thirty Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California required legislation by Congress. In the Senate the bills reported by the Committee on Territf the line of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific was a consequence of the purpose to admit California as a state of the Union before it had acquired the requisite population, and while it was maintrol of a military organization sent from New York during the war with Mexico and disbanded in California upon the restoration of peace. The inconsistency of the argument against the extension of thee application of the practice of geographical compromise on an arbitrary line. In the case of California, the conditions were reversed; the South might have been the gainer and the North the loser by
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
to be the opening of Pandora's box. The vote in the Senate on the proposition to continue the line of the Missouri Compromise through the newly acquired territory to the Pacific was twenty-four yeas to thirty-two nays. Reckoning Delaware and Missouri as Southern states, the vote of the two sections was exactly equal. The yeas were all cast by Southern Senators; the nays were all Northern except two from Delaware, one from Missouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may havMissouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may have been in 1820 to adopt that political line as expressing a geographical definition of different sectional interests, and however it may be condemned as the assumption by Congress of a function not delegated to it, it is to be remembered that the act had received such recognition and quasi-ratification by the people of the states as to give it a value which it did not originally possess. Pacification had been the fruit borne by the tree, and it should not have been recklessly hewed down and cas
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 1.2
gitive slave law-death of Calhoun Anecdote of Clay. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California required legislation by Congress. In the Senate the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committhe Union, and so destructive of the harmony and mutual benefit which the Constitution was intended to secure. The refusal to divide the territory acquired from Mexico by an extension of the line of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific was a consequence of the purpose to admit California as a state of the Union before it had acquired the requisite population, and while it was mainly under the control of a military organization sent from New York during the war with Mexico and disbanded in California upon the restoration of peace. The inconsistency of the argument against the extension of the line was exhibited in the division of the territory of Texas
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
his greatest political rival—say of him in his obituary address, There was nothing groveling, or low, or meanly selfish, that came near the head or the heart of Mr. Calhoun. His prophetic warnings speak from the grave with the wisdom of inspiration. Would that they could have been appreciated by his countrymen while he yet lived! While the compromise measures of 1850 were pending, and the excitement concerning them was at its highest, I one day overtook Clay of Kentucky and Berrien of Georgia in the Capitol grounds. They were in earnest conversation. It was the 7th of March—the day on which Webster had delivered his great speech. Clay, addressing me in the friendly manner which he had always employed since I was a schoolboy in Lexington, asked me what I thought of the speech. I liked it better than he did. He then suggested that I should join the compromise men, saying that it was a measure which he thought would probably give peace to the country for thirty years—the perio<
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
Chapter 2: The session of 1849-50 the Compromise measures virtual Abrogation of the Missouri Compromise the admission of California the fugitive slave law-death of Calhoun Anecdote of Clay. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California required legislation by Congress. In the Senate the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Clay, the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, was chairman. From this committee emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the compromise measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the division of the newly acquired territory by an extension to the Pacific Ocean of the Missouri Compromise line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude. This was not because of any inherent merit or fitness in that line, but because it had been accepted by the country as a settl
Pacific Ocean (search for this): chapter 1.2
orable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California required legislation by Congress. In the Senate the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Clay, the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, was chairman. From this committee emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the compromise measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the division of the newly acquired territory by an extension to the Pacific Ocean of the Missouri Compromise line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude. This was not because of any inherent merit or fitness in that line, but because it had been accepted by the country as a settlement of the sectional question which, thirty years before, had threatened a rupture of the Union, and it had acquired in the public mind a prescriptive respect which it seemed unwise to disregard. A majority, however, decided otherwise, and the line of political conciliatio
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
ecklessly hewed down and cast into the fire. The frequent assertion then made was that all discrimination was unjust, and that the popular will should be left untrammeled in the formation of new states. This theory J. C. Calhoun was good enough in itself, and as an abstract proposition could not be gainsaid; its practical operation, however, has but poorly sustained the expectations of its advocates, as will be seen when we come to consider the events that occurred a few years later in Kansas and elsewhere. Retrospectively viewed under the mellowing light of time, and with the calm consideration we can usually give to the irremediable past, the compromise legislation of 1850 bears the impress of that sectional spirit so widely at variance with the general purposes of the Union, and so destructive of the harmony and mutual benefit which the Constitution was intended to secure. The refusal to divide the territory acquired from Mexico by an extension of the line of the Missouri
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
by Congress. In the Senate the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Clay, the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, was chairman. From this committee emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the compromise measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the wo sections was exactly equal. The yeas were all cast by Southern Senators; the nays were all Northern except two from Delaware, one from Missouri, and one from Kentucky. However objectionable it may have been in 1820 to adopt that political line as expressing a geographical definition of different sectional interests, and hoymen while he yet lived! While the compromise measures of 1850 were pending, and the excitement concerning them was at its highest, I one day overtook Clay of Kentucky and Berrien of Georgia in the Capitol grounds. They were in earnest conversation. It was the 7th of March—the day on which Webster had delivered his great spee
Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.2
ia as a state of the Union before it had acquired the requisite population, and while it was mainly under the control of a military organization sent from New York during the war with Mexico and disbanded in California upon the restoration of peace. The inconsistency of the argument against the extension of the line was exhibited in the division of the territory of Texas by that parallel, and payment to the state of money to secure her consent to the partition of her domain. In the case of Texas, the North had everything to gain and nothing to lose by the application of the practice of geographical compromise on an arbitrary line. In the case of California, the conditions were reversed; the South might have been the gainer and the North the loser by a recognition of the same rule. The compensation which it was alleged that the South received was a more effective law for the rendition of fugitives from service or labor. But it is to be remarked that this law provided for the exe
1 2