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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 31
s a compliment to the famous Irish temperance orator), that Theobald Mathew be permitted to sit within the bar of the Senate during the period of his sojourn in Washington. This resolution was favored by Mr. Seward and other Northern senators, but it was opposed by the Southern members, on the ground that Father Mathew, in the la evinced in the speech I quote. On January 24th, in the debate on a resolution, directing the Library Committee to negotiate for the purchase of the Mss. of Washington's Farewell Address, Mr. Davis said: The value of the Farewell Address is two-fold: first, for the opinions contained in it, and, next, the authority from wurchased, too, and held as the property of the Government? But what is there so sacred in the Mss. of this Address? It is known to have been the production of Washington and one, at least, of his Cabinet — not the emanation of his mind alone. I feel no such respect as has been here expressed for it, and I cannot perceive how th
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
Pacific Ocean (search for this): chapter 31
st Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California, required legislation from Congress. In the Senate, the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Mr. Clay was chairman. From this counsellor emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the Compromise Measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the division of the newly acquired territory by the extension to the Pacific Ocean of the Missouri Compromise line of 30° 30.‘ This was not because of any inherent merit or fitness in that line, but because it had been accepted by the country as a settlement of the sectional question which, thirty years before, had threatened a rupture of the Union, and it had acquired in the public mind a prescriptive respect which it seemed unwise to disregard. A majority, however, decided otherwise, and the line of political conciliation was then obliterated as far as it lay in th
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
n a temporary silence to justify the unprecedented compliment which is claimed at our hand. If, as the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) intimates, those opinions in relation to African slavery as it exists in this country, have undergone a chanecause, if handled, it would be soon worn out. It will, therefore, merely gratify the feelings to which the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) has so eloquently alluded, and to which undoubtedly every heart will respond — that feeling which endears eveact as practical men. We should become as nearly as possible an abstraction, to use the expression of the gentleman from Kentucky; as far as may be, divest ourselves of all feeling in legislation. If we are to indulge the desire to possess all o Measures of 1850 were pending, and the excitement concerning them was at its highest, I, one day, overtook Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, and Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, in the Capitol grounds. They were in earnest conversation. It was on March 7th--the day
Scotia (search for this): chapter 31
sired to offer. In default of such disavowals — under answers which are said to have been evasive, and with such advocacy as we have just heard-his attitude is that of one who comes covertly as a wolf in sheep's clothing; and I hold the Senator from New York to be the very best authority on that subject. Mr. President, in opposing this resolution, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I yield all that has been claimed for the success of Father Mathew to the cause of temperance in Ireland; and certainly abate nothing of respect and sympathy because of his clerical character and the land of his nativity. If either one or the other had led me into error, it would have been that of compliance, not resistance. Irishmen, not allied with O'Connell and abolitionism, take, in my sympathies, the next place to our brethren; but the mere name of Irish Patriot is not sufficient to be the controlling influence. My first duty, my nearest ties are at home, and I will say of the horde of
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
interference in our domestic affairs; a declaration of opinions so offensive; an attempt so mischievous, requires something more than a temporary silence to justify the unprecedented compliment which is claimed at our hand. If, as the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) intimates, those opinions in relation to African slavery as it exists in this country, have undergone a change, why was not such change avowed when an opportunity was kindly offered, as has been stated by the Senator from Alabama. His refusal to do so, under the circumstances connected with it, could not fail to have an injurious effect upon what is recognized as the great object of his visit; and is, therefore, conclusive against the supposition of such a change having occurred. When opinions are gratuitously thrown upon the world, it is our right to note them, and, if mischievous, our duty to remember them. This is not to probe private sentiments, but to see that which is laid before us. In the present cas
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
, never since his wound in Mexico very robust, suffered much from the effort to perform his social duties, and he, therefore, relinquished the attempt and did not mingle at all with society, except when our friends were invited to visit us. It was a period of his life that he remembered with just pride, and after a generation had passed he thus wrote of this Congress: The first session of the Thirty — first Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California, required legislation from Congress. In the Senate, the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred to a select committee of which Mr. Clay was chairman. From this counsellor emanated the bills which, taken together, are known as the Compromise Measures of 1850. With some others, I advocated the division of the newly acquired territory by the extension to the Pacific Ocean of the Missouri Compromise line of 30° 30.‘ This was not because of any inherent
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
Chapter 31: thirty-first Congress, 1849-50. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress opened on Monday, December 3, 1849. In no preceding Senate had been seen more brilliant groups of statesmen from both South and North. Among the distinguished senators then, or soon subsequently to be, famous, were Davis, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Benton, Corwin, Cass, Fillmore, Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Seward, Chase, Houston, Badger, of North Carolina; Butler, of South Carolina; Hamlin, Hunter, and Mason, of Virginia; Berrien, Mangum, and Pierre Soule. It was to this Congress that Mr. Clay presented his famous compromise resolutions, which may be regarded as the beginning of the last period of the long controversy between the sections before the secession of the Southern States from the Union. It was memorable by the threatening prominence given to the Anti-slavery agitation, which was now beginning to overshadow all other Federal issues. The growth of the Anti-slavery moveme
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
w of duty, or allegiance. He conscientiously examined the Constitution of the Union as the conservator, guarantee, and limitation of his rights, and honorably abided by its authority. Throughout this memorable session antislavery petitions were adopted by the leaders of the movement in the North to force the discussions of the slavery question into Congress. Early in February, a motion was made by Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, to receive a petition from inhabitants of Delaware and Pennsylvania, praying for the immediate and peaceful dissolution of the Union. Up to this date it had been the uniform practice to lay on the table without debate all resolutions relating to the slavery agitation. But on this occasion a spirited debate followed Senator Hale's motion. Mr. Davis took part. He said: I rise merely to make a few remarks on the right of petition . . . It is offensive to recommend legislation for the dissolution of the Union; offensive to the Senate and to the whole
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 31
ion of the Thirty — first Congress (1849-50) was a memorable one. The recent acquisition from Mexico of New Mexico and California, required legislation from Congress. In the Senate, the bills reported by the Committee on Territories were referred tMexico by an extension of the line of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific, was a consequence of the purpose to admit California as a State of the Union before it had acquired the requisite population, and while it was under the control of the military organization sent from New York during the war with Mexico, and disbanded in California upon the restoration of peace. The inconsistency of the argument against the extension of the line was exhibited in the division of the territory of Texas, and nothing to lose by the application of the practice of geographical compromise on an arbitrary line. In the case of California, the conditions were reversed; the South might have been the gainer and the North the loser, by a recognition of the sa
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