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the House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay. The house was impatient for it; heavy complaints were made, that the system of making all the revenue offices in America sinecure places, had led to such abuses, that an American annual revenue of less than two thousand pounds cost the establishment of the customs in Great Britain between seven and eight thousand pounds a year. Grenville to Horace Walpole, 8 Sept. 1763, in Grenville Papers, II. 114. Lord North and Charles Yorke were members of the committee who introduced into the House of Commons this first bill, having for its object an American revenue by act of Parliament. Journals of the House of Commons, XXIX. 609. A stamp act and other taxes were to follow, till a sufficient revenue should be obtained from America to defray the expenses of its army. That the ministry of Bute had in view specially an American stamp tax is in itself probable, as the revenue without it would have been notoriously insu
et that assembly, in which English ambition contends for power. His opponents were divided, Charles Yorke, the attorney-general, had resigned, but so reluctantly, that in doing it he burst out into he, is not made in animosity to the man, but in opposition to his principles. Since through Charles Yorke the ways of thinking of Lord Mansfield would equally prevail in Westminster Hall, he cared nville Papers, II. 149, 218, 239. Chatham Correspondence, II. 261. So when parliament assembled, Yorke was with the court in principle, and yet a leader of the opposition. On the first night of the ege of parliament preserved a member from being taken up for writing and publishing a libel, Charles Yorke, the great lawyer of the Rockingham whigs, spoke against the claim of privilege, and the hou to laugh at him. Reed's Reed, i. 33. In England the force of opposition was broken. Charles Yorke came penitently and regretfully to Grenville to mourn over his mistake in resigning office,
ice, I am for receiving the petition of a people from whom this country derives its great- chap. XI.} 1765 Feb. est commerce, wealth, and consideration. Letter from London to New-York, 16 Feb. 1765, in Boston Gazette of 3 June. In reply, Charles Yorke entered into a very long and most elaborate defence of the bill, resting his argument on the supreme and sovereign authority of parliament. The colonies, he insisted, with a vast display of legal erudition, were but corporations; their powerof the proprietary governments were but the king's standing commissions: the proprietaries were but his hereditary governors. The people of America could not be taken out of the general and supreme jurisdiction of parliament. The authority of Yorke seemed conclusive: less than forty were willing to receive the petition of Virginia. A third from South Carolina, a fourth from Connecticut, though expressed in the most moderate language; a fifth from Massachusetts, though silent even about the
the duke of Cumberland will be desperate enough to form an administration without Pitt and Temple. Northington assured them, that they might remain in office if chap. XV.} 1765. June they chose. The most wary gave in their adhesion; even Charles Yorke went to Grenville and declared his support, and Gilbert Elliott did the like. Our cause is in your hands, said the Bedfords to Grenville, and you will do it justice. This was the moment of his greatest pride and political importance; he waspersonal characters. The old duke of Newcastle was the type of the administration, though he took only the post of privy seal, with the patronage of the church. chap. XV.} 1765. July. The law adviser of its choice, as attorney general, was Charles Yorke, whose political principles coincided with those of Mansfield. Its mediator with the king was the duke of Cumberland, who had a seat in the cabinet as its protector. But younger men also came into power, giving hope for the future. In pl
ille declared the paramount authority of parliament throughout the British dominions to be the essence of the revolution of 1688; others insisted that that event had upheld and established principles, by which the liberty of the person was secured against arbitrary arrest, and the rights of property were recognised as sacred against every exaction without consent. The two opinions were also represented in the new ministry. Northington, the Lord Chancellor, chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. and Charles Yorke, the Attorney-General, insisted on the right to tax America; while Grafton and Conway inclined to abdicate the pretended right, and the kind-hearted Rockingham declared himself ready to repeal a hundred Stamp Acts, rather than run the risk of such confusion as would be caused by enforcing one. History, too, when questioned, answered ambiguously. Taxation had become in Great Britain and in the colonies, a part of the general legislative power, with some reserve in favor of the popular
Chapter 21: Has parliament the right to tax America—Rocking-Ham's administration continued. January, 1766. during the recess of parliament, Egmont, Conway, chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. Dowdeswell, Dartmouth, and Charles Yorke, met at the house of the Marquis of Rockingham. To modify, but not to repeal the American tax, and to enact the penalty of high treason against any one who, by speaking or writing, should impeach the legislative authority of parliament, were measures proposed in tin Pitt all the encouragement that he expected, let the negotiation drop. Conway and Grafton were compelled to disregard their own avowals on the question of the right of taxation; and the ministry conformed to the opinion, which was that of Charles Yorke, the Attorney-General, and still more of Edmund Burke. Neglected by Rockingham, hated by the aristocracy, and feared by the king, Pitt pursued his career alone. In the quiet of confidential intercourse, he inquired if fleets and armies co
I don't recollect to have seen. Garth was a member. and yet the House of Commons, half-conscious of the fatality of its decision, was so awed by the overhanging shadow of coming events that it seemed to shrink from pronouncing its opinion. Edmund Burke, eager to add glory as an orator to his just renown as an author, argued for England's right in such a manner, that the strongest friends of power declared his speech to have been far superior to that of every other speaker; while Grenville, Yorke, and all the lawyers, the temperate Richard Hussey, who yet was practically for humanity and justice, Blackstone, the commentator on the laws of England, chap XXII.} 1766. Feb. who still disliked internal taxation of America by parliament, the selfish, unscrupulous, unrelenting Wedderburn, filled many hours with solemn arguments for England's unlimited supremacy. They persuaded one another and the house, that the charters which kings had granted were, by the unbroken opinions of lawyers,