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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. Search the whole document.

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entation never entered the heads of the great writers in Charles the First's time against ship money or other illegal exertions of the prerogative, nor was the right of representation claimed in the Petition of Rights at the great era of the revolution. From H. Hammersley's Report. The colonists,—thus he continued, after having answered one by one the writs and records quoted by Lord Camden, the arguments fetched from the Marches of Wales, from the counties palatine, from Guernsey and Jersey, from the case of the clergy, as well as those drawn from the colonies of antiquity, and from the states of Holland;— the colonists, by the condition on which they migrated, settled and now exist, are more emphatically subjects of Great Britain, than chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. those within the realm; and the British legislature have, in every instance, exercised their right of legislation over them without any dispute or question, till the fourteenth of January last. Our colonies emig
Jamaica, L. I. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
rticular saving as to all English acts of parliament. chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. Could the king's bench vacate the Massachusetts charter, and yet the parliament be unable to tax them? Do they say this, when they themselves acquiesced in the judgment, and took a new charter? Ibid. In 1724, the assembly of Jamaica having refused to raise taxes for their necessary support, the late Lord Hardwicke, then Attorney-General, and Sir Clement Wearg, Solicitor-General, gave their opinion that if Jamaica is to be considered as a conquered country, the king may tax it by his own authority; if otherwise, it must be by the British legislature. Let the advocates for America draw their line. Let them move their exception, and say how far the sovereignty of the British parliament should go, and where it should stop? Did the Americans keep the right of the purse only, and not of their persons and their liberties? Ibid. But if there was no express law or reason founded upon any necessar
Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
ence would be destroyed by a transfer from them of the powers of taxation; against justice, for Great Britain could have interests conflicting with those of the colonies; against reason, for the assemblies of the colonists could know their own abilities and circumstances better than the Commons of England; against good policy, which could preserve America only as Rome had preserved her distant colonies, not by the number of its legions, but by lenient magnanimity. Only three men, or rather Pitt alone, debated strenuously the rights of America against more than as many hundred; Garth to South Carolina: A fuller house I don't recollect to have seen. Garth was a member. and yet the House of Commons, half-conscious of the fatality of its decision, was so awed by the overhanging shadow of coming events that it seemed to shrink from pronouncing its opinion. Edmund Burke, eager to add glory as an orator to his just renown as an author, argued for England's right in such a manner, that
Durham (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 22
h it had been proposed to exert in 1713, while Harley was at the head of the treasury, and again at the opening of the Seven Years War. It was further contended, that representation was not the basis of the authority of parliament; that its legislative power was an absolute trust; that the kingdom and colonies were one empire; that the colonies enjoyed the opportunity of taxing themselves, as an indulgence; that the exemption from taxation, when conceded to the Counties Palatine, Chester, Durham, and Lancaster, or Wales, or Ireland, or the clergy, was exceptional; that duties and impositions, taxes and subsidies were all one; and as kingdom and colonies were one body, parliament had the right to bind the colonies by taxes and impositions, alike internal and external, in all cases whatsoever. So the watches of the long winter's night wore away, and at about four o'clock in the morning, when the question was called, less than ten voices, some said five, or four, some said but three
Orange, N. J. (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
es, and lose them for ever. You may abdicate your right over the colonies: take care, my lords, how you do so, for such an act will be irrevocable. Proceed, then, my lords, with spirit and firmness, and when you shall have established your authority, it will then be a time to show your lenity. The Americans, as I said before, are a very good people, and I wish them exceedingly well; but they are heated and inflamed. I cannot end better than by saying, in the words of Maurice, Prince of Orange, concerning the Hollanders, God bless this industrious, frugal, well-meaning, but easily deluded people! The House of Lords accepted the argument of Mansfield as unanswerable, and when the house divided, only five peers, Camden, Shelburne, and the young Cornwallis——destined to a long and chequered career, —Torrington, and Paulet, went down below the bar. With these five, stood the invisible genius of popular reform; they began a strife which the child that was unborn would rue or would b<
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
thing to do with America, and the doubt was immediately answered by Coke. Hansard, XVI. 176. The rights of Maryland were, by charter, coextensive with those of any Bishop of Durham in that county palatine, and the statute book shows that Durham was taxed by parliament before it was represented. The commonwealth parliament passed a resolution or act, and it is a question whether it is not in force now, to declare and establish the authority of England over its colonies. The charter of Pennsylvania, who have preposterously taken the lead, and Franklin was present to hear this, is stamped with every badge of subordination; H. Hammersley. and a particular saving as to all English acts of parliament. chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. Could the king's bench vacate the Massachusetts charter, and yet the parliament be unable to tax them? Do they say this, when they themselves acquiesced in the judgment, and took a new charter? Ibid. In 1724, the assembly of Jamaica having refused t
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
t was unborn would rue or would bless. The rest of the peers, one hundred and twenty-five H. Hammersley. Garth to South Carolina, 9 Feb. 1766. in number, saw with derision the small number of the visionaries. As chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. for Camlicy, justice, or equity, it was a power that ought to be exercised in the most extraordinary cases only. Garth to South Carolina, 9 Feb. 1756. I have an exceedingly copious abstract of this debate, made by Garth for South Carolina. Barre movSouth Carolina. Barre moved to strike out from the resolution the words, in all cases whatsoever. He was seconded by Pitt, and, sustained by Beckford. They contended that American taxation by parliament was against the spirit of the British constitution; against the authore men, or rather Pitt alone, debated strenuously the rights of America against more than as many hundred; Garth to South Carolina: A fuller house I don't recollect to have seen. Garth was a member. and yet the House of Commons, half-conscious of
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
egiance for protection. If they are not subjects, they ought to pay duties as aliens. H. Hammersley's Report. The charter colonies had among their directors members of the privy council and of both houses of parliament, and were under the authority of the privy council. In the nineteenth year of James I. a doubt was thrown out in the House of Commons, whether parliament had any thing to do with America, and the doubt was immediately answered by Coke. Hansard, XVI. 176. The rights of Maryland were, by charter, coextensive with those of any Bishop of Durham in that county palatine, and the statute book shows that Durham was taxed by parliament before it was represented. The commonwealth parliament passed a resolution or act, and it is a question whether it is not in force now, to declare and establish the authority of England over its colonies. The charter of Pennsylvania, who have preposterously taken the lead, and Franklin was present to hear this, is stamped with every b
Sweden (Sweden) (search for this): chapter 22
ch (and, as he spoke, he appealed personally to Mansfield and Camden), I declare, as a lawyer, they have forfeited all their chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb. charters. My Lords, the colonies are become too big to be governed by the laws they at first set out with. They have, therefore, run into confusion, and it will be the policy of this country to form a plan of laws for them. If they withdraw allegiance, you must withdraw protection; and then the petty state of Genoa, or the little kingdom of Sweden, may run away with them. Benjamin Franklin Campbell's Chancellors, v. 204. stood listening below the bar, while the highest judicial magistrate of Great Britain was asserting the absolute, unconditional dependence of the colonies on parliament, and advising radical changes in their constitutions. Next rose Lord Mansfield, to whose authority the House of Lords paid greater deference than to that of any man living. Newton's Life of himself, 108. To him belonged the sad office of st
Chester County (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
wer which it had been proposed to exert in 1713, while Harley was at the head of the treasury, and again at the opening of the Seven Years War. It was further contended, that representation was not the basis of the authority of parliament; that its legislative power was an absolute trust; that the kingdom and colonies were one empire; that the colonies enjoyed the opportunity of taxing themselves, as an indulgence; that the exemption from taxation, when conceded to the Counties Palatine, Chester, Durham, and Lancaster, or Wales, or Ireland, or the clergy, was exceptional; that duties and impositions, taxes and subsidies were all one; and as kingdom and colonies were one body, parliament had the right to bind the colonies by taxes and impositions, alike internal and external, in all cases whatsoever. So the watches of the long winter's night wore away, and at about four o'clock in the morning, when the question was called, less than ten voices, some said five, or four, some said
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