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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
indignation where it did not provoke laughter, and increased the disposition in that section to calculate the value of the Union, and Lib. 12.34. to murmur what Webster termed those words of delusion and folly, Liberty first and Union afterwards. 2d speech on Foot's resolution, Jan. 26, 1830. The Southern colleagues of Mr. Adamn of the prisoners, or of their fellow-slaves, or to obtain indemnity from Great Britain, were futile, and the mutineers were ultimately discharged (Lib. 12: 42). Webster, as Secretary of State, conducted the diplomatic correspondence through Edward Everett at the court of St. James (Lib. 12: 34), prostituting his intellect in support of the Government's right to demand from the whole human race respect to the municipal law of Southern slavery—to use Channing's words in review of Webster, in his pamphlet on the Duty of the Free States (Lib. 12: 55, 57, 61, 65, 105). In the Senate, Calhoun led the furious Southern clamor for reparation or war (Lib. 11: 211;
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!1844. (search)
ce (for the sake of Union) of the blacks, and to the guarantee of a slaveholding political supremacy. The deed having been done, a new Revolution was called for; You that prate of Disunion, do you not know that Disunion is Revolution? asks Mr. Webster. Yes, we do know it, and we are for a revolution—a revolution in the character of the American Constitution (Speech of Wendell Phillips at Faneuil Hall, Dec. 29, 1846. Lib. 17: 7). and the only wonder is, not that Mr. Garrison was the first tious purification of themselves before their Creator. But anti-slavery disunion is seldom weighed in its own scales. Critics who waive the sub-sacredness of the Constitutional obligations,—binding in honor and in justice, Lib. 14.45. to use Webster's words,—and tolerate the revolutionary view in order to expose its impracticability, deny that the agitation for peaceful separation could ever have attained its object. This prophecy—for it is nothing more—neglects altogether the role of t
illed the year at which we have now arrived with the emptiest of empty words. On January 29, an Anti-Texas Convention was held in Lib. 15.18. Faneuil Hall. Mr. Webster united in the Convention, and consulted with and assisted Stephen C. Phillips, Charles Allen, and Charles Francis Adams, in preparing the Address of the Conventd remarks which the daily press pronounced Lib. 15.23. treasonable. He recalled a similar convention on the admission of Missouri, whose protest was embodied by Webster in an address. That movement ended in words, words. Did they mean, asked Mr. Garrison, to act that farce over again? Charles Francis Adams objected to jeopardi the illusion that Lib. 15.170. the entrance of Texas into the Union would make slavery a national institution as never before, and expose it to attack as such. Webster, accusing the Liberty Party Lib. 15.182. (by its defeat of Clay) of having procured annexation, hoped, or professed to hope, the consummation might yet be averte
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
harles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib. 18.94, 98, 102. against the action of their party at Philadelphia on June 7, when the popular hero of the Mexican War, Gen. Zachary Taylor, a Louisiana slaveholder, was nominated for President, in disregard of the claims of Clay and of Webster. Of these standing candidates in petto Mr. Garrison declared in May (Lib. 18: 74): Nothing can be more fallacious than their expectations. To those who have asked us privately, for the last twelve months, who would in our opinion be the Presidential candidate of the Whig Party, our reply has been, unhesitatingly and emphatically—Zachary Taylor. Press nominations of Taylor began as far back as the date indicated (Lib. 17: 61). Before the Buffalo Convention assembled, Mr. Garrison be
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
s her negro boy. They thus travelled openly by first-class conveyances from Georgia to Philadelphia (Still, p. 368). and, amid great applause, said of the former: We say in behalf of this man, whom God Lib. 19.90. created, and whom law-abiding Webster and Winthrop D. Webster. R. C. Winthrop. swore should find no shelter on the soil of Massachusetts —we say that they may make their little motions, and pass their little laws, in Washington, but that Faneuil Hall Repeals them, in the name of thD. Webster. R. C. Winthrop. swore should find no shelter on the soil of Massachusetts —we say that they may make their little motions, and pass their little laws, in Washington, but that Faneuil Hall Repeals them, in the name of the humanity of Massachusetts. All this, with much more, as we have said, belongs to the general historian of the cause. Our main concern must be an incident personal to the subject of this biography, while yet of national interest and importance. In July, the Rev. Theobald Mathew, of world-wide fame as The Apostle of Temperance, landed in New York, ostensibly in the prosecution of his mission, but also not Lib. 19.111. without hope of bettering his pecuniary condition beyond the paltry pens
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
still glowing cavernously,—Clay, Calhoun, and Webster worked, in unequal and even discordant partneTrue, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk o, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake oheld at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolue Constitution, elicited acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supplements Lib. 20.62, of Lib. 20.55. Plymouth County, the home of Webster; and widely by the religious press. These fa mobs against us. The scandalous treachery of Webster, and the backing he has received from Andovernly contrasts honorably with that of Clay and Webster. Small praise that, to be sure. A new sourc bore witness to the truth of the assertion. Webster was encouraging the commercial interests of of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obliga[6 more...]
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
shutting up our harbor to Boston Port Bill, 1774. starve us into compliance. Webster, too (like your Lord North), the infamous New Hampshire renegade, threatens to this country, he would be sent to Botany Bay (Lib. 21: 34. Cf. 21: 101). Webster gave the keynote of the Government prosecutions when, in his letter to the Uni Yes, it would indeed be seen, and not tardily. It had already appeared how Webster's fate was bound up with that of the class of men who not infrequently said . Constitution is born of hell—that it is the work of the devil. Lib. 21.93. Webster had just directed the Syracusans to the Bible for their rule of conduct with r. 21.24. participation in its proceedings, a like petition from the friends of Webster wishing to give him a reception there on April 17 had to be rejected—partly inhough immediately withdrawn in the most abject manner, Lib. 21.66. rankled in Webster's breast as perhaps no other treatment in his life had ever done; nor could th
s struggle you had not long ago with Mexico, in which General Scott drove the President of the Republic from his capital. Lib. 22.2. Introduced in Washington, by Webster, to Fillmore—fathers of the law sanctioning the grossest intervention of the South against the liberties of the North —he is told by the President that his missioing else than a direct sanction to slaveholding, slave-breeding, and slave-hunting. None but those who are morally depraved or blind can give such a vote. As Webster, at the Whig Convention, received only a contemptible minority of votes (the largest third from Massachusetts, and not one from any Southern Whig, in spite of hisfor her perfect service the Democratic Party. Like those languid Tritons who, at the wood-nymph's feet, poured Pearls while on land they withered and adored, Webster in the flesh and the Whig party in its name and Lib. 22.174, 175, 179. organization died within a fortnight of each other at the feet of their goddess. The Free
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
lorious Union it is that we are enjoying! How worthy of preservation! Alas! the Union is but another name for the iron reign of the Slave Power. We have no common country, as yet. God grant we may have! We have no common Union, as yet. God grant we may have! We shall have it when the jubilee comes—and not till then. The American Anti-Slavery Society met in New York Lib. 23:[78], 81. city at the Chinese Assembly Room on May 11, 1853, amid the utmost quiet. Calhoun, and Clay, and Webster had, as Mr. Garrison pointed out, been translated since 1850. Lib. 23.81. Was there no one to give the signal to Rynders to save the Union once more by mobbing the abolitionists away for another term of years? Could Mr. Garrison, unchecked, mention as signs of progress the blotting out of those pillars of the Slave Power, the Jerry rescue, the armed stand against the Fugitive Slave Law at Christiana, the success of Uncle Tom's Cabin? So it appeared. Douglass, too, was there, but where w
with death. 3. The language attributed to us by such lying journals as the Pennsylvanian and the Boston Post, being torn from its connection and basely garbled, does not truly represent our views. We said: If there were no moral barrier to our voting (but there is), and we had a million of votes to bestow, we should cast them all for Fremont, as against Buchanan and Fillmore—not because he is an abolitionist or a disunionist (for he is neither, any more than was Washington, Jefferson, Webster, Clay, or Jackson, occupying precisely their ground), but because he is for the non-extension of slavery, in common with the great body of the people of the North, whose attachment to the Union amounts to idolatry. Well, the Presidential struggle will terminate on Tuesday Nov. 4, 1856. next, with all its forgeries, tricks, shams, lies, and slanders. Laus Deo! Whatever may be the result, upon our banner will still be inscribed in ineffaceable characters the motto: no Union with slavehol