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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 836 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 690 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 532 0 Browse Search
John M. Schofield, Forty-six years in the Army 480 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore) 406 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 350 0 Browse Search
Wiley Britton, Memoirs of the Rebellion on the Border 1863. 332 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 322 0 Browse Search
Col. John M. Harrell, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 10.2, Arkansas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 310 0 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 294 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Missouri (Missouri, United States) or search for Missouri (Missouri, United States) in all documents.

Your search returned 19 results in 9 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
dent shall announce that Texas is annexed to this Union, immediately to assemble and choose delegates for a second session of this Convention, which shall take measures for the formation of a new Union with such States as do not tolerate domestic slavery—the Union of 1789 having then ceased to exist. Lib. 15.18. The mover sustained this resolution with unpremeditated remarks which the daily press pronounced Lib. 15.23. treasonable. He recalled a similar convention on the admission of Missouri, whose protest was embodied by Webster in an address. That movement ended in words, words. Did they mean, asked Mr. Garrison, to act that farce over again? Charles Francis Adams objected to jeoparding united action by any such radical proposition, and both the Lovejoy and Garrison resolutions were laid on the Lib. 15.18. table. Months passed, during which inaction on the part of the North paved the way to the catastrophe, and sapped the Lib. 15.82. courage of the resistants—the poli
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
Ante, pp. 59, 92, 216; Lib. 18.23. the abolitionists, has been noticed in the several States. This was particularly felt along the border, in Maryland, Lib. 19.1, 153. Virginia, and in the Ohio Valley. In the Virginia Legislature, Pennsylvania's withdrawal of State aid to kidnappers Lib. 19.1. was declared occasion for war between independent nations, and new guarantees were demanded of Congress Lib. 19.10. and unsuccessfully attempted to be procured. From the same source and from Missouri, appeal was next made to Lib. 19.113. the legislatures of the several States for cooperation in obtaining a new fugitive-slave law, investing any Federal postmaster or collector of customs with the authority of the Federal courts in the matter of apprehension, custody, conviction, and rendition of the unhappy victims. This Southern grievance had been fully ventilated in the U. S. Senate during the exciting debates growing out Ante, p. 237. of the Drayton and Sayres case; and, on the co
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
their great and sudden Lib. 24.182. advantage in the Federal as well as in the State arena, The Know-Nothing Massachusetts Legislature elected sweepingly in 1854 was, as Mr. Garrison remarked (Lib. 25.86), the most democratic known in the annals of the State. The aristocratic [or respectable] element was completely exorcised out of it. and gave the coup de grace to the remnant of the Whig Lib. 24.178, 182. organization. This fact, with the general rout of the Democratic Party at the same elections in the North, caused Lib. 24.205. genuine alarm to the Slave Power, and confirmed it in its efforts to colonize Kansas. Fraud and violence—without actual bloodshed—were freely practised in the new Territory. Armed border ruffians from Missouri crossed Lib. 24.194, 197, 201, 202, 205. the line to elect a pro-slavery Delegate to Congress. Civilization and barbarism confronted each other with weapons drawn, and the year closed with all eyes turned on the scene of impending warfa
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 15: the Personal Liberty Law.—1855. (search)
orthern manhood. In Kansas, on the other hand, the Slave Power was in the ascendant. Hordes of degraded beings, such as only slavery and whiskey could produce, crossed in arms at the Lib. 25.17, 55, 61, 62, 66, 67, 73. spring elections from Missouri into the Territory, took possession of the polling-places, terrorized and maltreated judges of election and free-State voters, stuffed the boxes with ballots in wild excess of the census-voting population, and elected a legislature which purged itself of Lib. 25.123. every free-State delegate, removed the capital nearer the Lib. 25.123. Missouri border, adopted the slave code of that State, and Lib. 25.133, 134, 139, 143, 146; 26.49. in other ways completed what Governor Reeder himself rightly called the subjugation of Kansas. Powerless to Lib. 25.71. rectify the doings of this bogus body, for what he did do Lib. 25.67, 123. honestly the Governor was removed by President Pierce Lib. 25.131. and succeeded by Wilson Shannon, who a
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 16: Fremont.—1856. (search)
r slave State, drugged with whiskey, and hounded on by broken-down and desperate politicians. But they are far less blameworthy than their employers and endorsers. To a great extent, they are the victims of a horribly false state of society in Missouri, and no doubt fearfully depraved; yet they are not beasts, nor to be treated as beasts. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin— whom first to despatch, as opportunity might offer. We stiousness, is diabolically amiable and considerate towards us (Lib. 26: 118). . . . What are the facts respecting Kansas? Briefly these: Squatter Sovereignty has turned out to be repeated invasions of the Territory by armed bandits from Missouri, who have successfully made it a conquered province, manufactured a Territorial Government, enacted a code of laws worthy of pandemonium, and trampled the civil and political rights of the bona-fide settlers under their feet; and for one sole ob
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
ouri Compromise, prohibiting slavery north of 36° 30′. Scott and his wife were sold to a common owner, and returned voluntarily—or at least without resistance—to Missouri, where the husband brought suit for their freedom. The State court denied the suit, in default of evidence that their owners meant to manumit them by taking these in question had, in fact, a special reference to the territory ceded under the Northwest Ordinance. Fourthly, in consequence, so much of the Lib. 27.43, 45. Missouri Compromise as related to the exclusion of slavery from a certain part of the Louisiana purchase was inoperative and void. Fifthly, the legal condition of a slave Lib. 27.43. returning from a free to a slave State was unaffected by his sojourn in the former, but depended upon the law of the latter. As, by the law of Missouri, Dred Scott was Lib. 27.45. not a citizen, but still a slave, he could not sue in a United States court. Whatever the intention of Judge Taney and the majority
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
own behalf to so high an authority Lib. 28.170. as John Quincy Adams. That statesman, objecting to the Constitution of Missouri (pending her admission to the Union) that it disfranchised all the people of color who were citizens of the free States, Union under the Federal Constitution, justified a declaratory act by any free-State legislature, making the citizens of Missouri aliens as long as the obnoxious article was maintained. Moreover, he had the courage to say that Congress, by admitting Missouri with such an article, made a breach in the Federal Constitution that would warrant a still more revolutionary proceeding: Therefore, until that portion of the citizens of Massachusetts J. Quincy's Life of J. Q. Adams, p. 113; Lib. 28stitution of the United States. It was, indeed, to be expected that such laws would again be met by retaliatory laws of Missouri and the other slaveholding States, and the consequences would be a dissolution de facto of the Union; but that dissolut
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
At the Massachusetts Society's anniversary meeting on January Lib. 29.18. 27, 1859, he listened without suspicion to Mr. Higginson's mention of Brown's December raid from Kansas into Lib. 29.7, 18, 47, 55, 119; Sanborn's Life of Brown, p. 481. Missouri—carrying off eleven slaves, whom he conducted to Canada—as an indication of what may come before long; the speaker himself only alluding at that time to [Underground] Railroad business on a somewhat extended scale, Sanborn's Brown, p. 436. to ustion. In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all Lib. 29.175. along admitted—the design on my part to free the slaves. I intended, certainly, to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, I. e., to free the slaves—not to run them off. See Brown's exp
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
bolitionist either, believes the lies that they call speeches. William Pinkney of Maryland, addressing the U. S. Senate on April 15, 1820, on the admission of Missouri, and repelling the intimation that the slave States did not possess a republican form of government, as guaranteed by the Constitution, asked: Do gentlemen perces Republicans were destined to take part—among them the son of John Quincy Adams. In 1820 the father wrote in his Diary, 5.12. Diary: I have favored this Missouri Compromise, believing it to be all that could be effected under the present Constitution, and from extreme unwillingness to put the Union at hazard. But perhaps it would have been a wiser as well as a bolder course to have persisted in the restriction upon Missouri, till it should have terminated in a convention of the States to revise and amend the Constitution. This would have produced a new Union of thirteen or fourteen States unpolluted with slavery, with a great and glorious object