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Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1,742 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 1,016 0 Browse Search
Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 996 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 516 0 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 274 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 180 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 172 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 164 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 142 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 130 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Alabama (Alabama, United States) or search for Alabama (Alabama, United States) in all documents.

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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.—1843. (search)
ution. Lib. 13.35. Joint resolves were accordingly passed by the Massachusetts Legislature, praying that the clause of the Constitution providing for the representation of slaves might be removed from that instrument; Mr. Garrison had proposed this a dozen years before (ante, 1: 264). and these were presented to Congress–in the House by the elder Adams, and not Lib. 13.206; 14.21, 27. received. In the Senate they were received with reluctance, and leave to print was refused. King of Alabama Lib. 14.38. termed them a proposition to dissolve the Union, and Lib. 14.21, 27. so did the General Assembly of Virginia in a counter memorial, which was promptly printed by the Senate. Lib. 14.42. John Quincy Adams, in conjunction with Giddings, Slade, Gates, Borden, and Hiland Hall, had, earlier in the year, issued an address to the people of the free States, Lib. 13.78. warning them that an attempt would be made at the next session of Congress to annex Texas. The real design and
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!—1844. (search)
ould be consummed, be the signal for a violent disruption of the Union. The election of Lincoln in 1860 did not touch the Constitution, nor did it avowedly or necessarily involve any amendment of that instrument; yet the Slave Power refused to live for a single hour under a regime pledged only to the Constitutional restriction of the area of slavery. In this very year, 1844, toasts Lib. 14.129, 141. were drunk on the Fourth of July in South Carolina to Texas or Disunion; and there and in Alabama a convention of the slaveholding States was demanded, to count the cost and value of the Federal Union. Lib. 14: 129, 142. Thomas H. Benton openly denounced annexation, not per se, but Lib. 14.142. as being an actual cover for a disunion conspiracy. The policy of seeking anti-slavery amendments to the Constitution Mr. Garrison had relegated to the limbo to which he had long ago consigned that of Ante, 1.188. addressing moral appeals to slaveholders. His Liberator call for the tenth a
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
ion Lib. 19.41. unchanged, was not calculated to allay the excitement at the South. Armed immigration to that Territory was Lib. 19.77. set on foot. In May a practical disunion convention was May 14, 15. held at Columbia, S. C., and gave its approval to Calhoun's Lib. 19.86. Address. In November a similar body assembled at Nov. 1, 1849; Lib. 19.185. Jackson, Miss.; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors of Tennessee, Georgia, and Lib. 19.181, 193. Alabama took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment. A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia and South Lib. 20.5. Carolina applied the secession screw to Northern doughfaces, in resolutions fit to precipitate a crisis if the new Congress should not prove more subservient than the last. Another cause helped to keep the South fretful and heated: the escape of slaves to the North was reaching alarming proportions, and recovery was
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
nor to the Baptists, nor the Methodists; for they, too, are against the slave, and all the sects are combined to prevent that jubilee which it is the will of God should come. . . . Be not startled when I say that a belief in Jesus is no evidence of goodness (hisses); no, friends. Voice—Yes it is. Mr. Garrison—Our friend says yes; my position is no. It is worthless as a test, for the reason I have already assigned in reference to the other tests. His praises are sung in Louisiana, Alabama, and the other Southern States just as well as in Massachusetts. Captain Rynders—Are you aware that the slaves in the South have their prayer-meetings in honor of Christ? Mr. Garrison—Not a slaveholding or a slave-breeding Jesus. (Sensation.) The slaves believe in a Jesus that strikes off chains. In this country, Jesus has become obsolete. A profession in him is no longer a test. Who objects to his course in Judaea? The old Pharisees are extinct, and may safely be denounced. Je
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 12: Kossuth.—1852. (search)
s its conclusion, contains some objectionable sentiments respecting African colonization, which we regret to see. The revival of the colonization mania in connection with the passage and execution of the Fugitive Slave Law is very significant. In this year 1852, Gov. Washington Hunt, in a message to the Legislature of New York, recommended liberal appropriations for the removal of the free blacks, as being a hindrance to Southern emancipation! (Lib. 22: 37, 38, 78, 139.) The Governor of Alabama followed suit (Lib. 22: 57). The Indiana Legislature actually voted a niggardly sum for the purpose (Lib. 22: 75). Even James G. Birney, despairing of the future of the free blacks, scandalized his old associates by issuing a pamphlet counselling expatriation (Lib. 22: 25, 38). At the annual meeting of the Mass. A. S. Society, in Faneuil Hall, on Jan. 31, Mr. Garrison felt it incumbent on him to make a set speech against colonization (Lib. 22: 30), and was subsequently urged by Wm. Henry B
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
. The two great pro-slavery parties in the land join with you in glorifying this Union, and pledging to maintain it as a slavery-sustaining compact. If you use the term Union in the ordinary political sense, then I ask how it happens that you who are pledged to give [no] support to slavery are thus in perfect agreement with those parties? If you do not, then I ask where is the Union, and what do you mean by preserving it? Why, are you not conscious of the fact that in South Carolina, in Alabama, in any slaveholding State, this anti-slavery gathering would not be tolerated? We should all be deemed worthy of Lynch law, and in all probability be subjected to a coat of tar and feathers! What a glorious Union it is that we are enjoying! How worthy of preservation! Alas! the Union is but another name for the iron reign of the Slave Power. We have no common country, as yet. God grant we may have! We have no common Union, as yet. God grant we may have! We shall have it when the j
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 16: Fremont.—1856. (search)
would be treason to Virginia (Lib. 26: 166, 175). For cases of expulsion, see Lib. 29: 35. 4. It divides the nation by a geographical line, but without any sectional feeling on its own part; this division being caused solely by its just defence of the rights of the North against the daring invasions of the Slave Power, which is determined to crush out every sentiment of freedom in the land, and to punish opposition to its monstrous designs as summarily in Massachusetts as in Virginia or Alabama. 5. It helps to disseminate no small amount of light and knowledge in regard to the nature and workings of the slave system, being necessitated to do this to maintain its position; and thus, for the time being, it is moulding public sentiment in the right direction, though with no purpose to aid us in the specific work we are striving to accomplish—namely, the dissolution of the Union, and the abolition of slavery throughout the land. All this may be fairly set down to the credit of t
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
r I shall occupy the ground of Disunion. It is not a matter of political expediency or policy, or even of incongruity of interests between the North and the South. It strikes deeper, it rises higher, than that. This is the question: Are we of the North not bound in a Union with slaveholders, whereby they are enabled to hold four millions of our countrymen in bondage, with all safety and impunity? Is not Massachusetts in alliance with South Carolina, Rhode Island with Georgia, Maine with Alabama, Vermont with Mississippi, giving the strength of this nation to the side of the dealer in human flesh? My difficulty, therefore, is a moral one. The Union was formed at the expense of the slave population of the land. I cannot swear to uphold it. As I understand it, they who ask me to do so, ask me to do an immoral act—to stain my conscience—to sin against God. How can I do this? I care not what consequences may be predicted. It is a sin to strike hands with thieves, and consent with
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
e of the political revolution in progress, a growing conviction that the Republicans would at the next election take control of the Government. Governor Moore of Alabama, in his inaugural address to the Andrew B. Moore. Legislature in December, 1857, denounced the Black Republican scheme to stop the extension of slavery—confining pledge his State to disunion in case a Ibid., p. 382. Black Republican President were installed at Washington with a majority in Congress. Henry W. Hilliard of Alabama agreed that the election of such a President Ibid., p. 385. would result in the subversion of the Government, and that the South would neither wait to see him installed, nor delay for some overt act. William L. Yancey of Alabama, though denying that Republican success at Ibid., p. 391. the next election would constitutionally justify secession, nevertheless held the Union to be already dissolved. He should at least expect Virginia to say, Form your Confederacy, and we will see that you
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 19: John Brown.—1859. (search)
me scale with the Democratic Party—that party which is ready for everything that the South desires, in the way of extending and eternizing slavery! How was it in the last Presidential election? Was it nothing to the credit of the Republican Party that no representative of John C. Fremont could stand upon Southern soil, except in peril of his life–when the whole party was outlawed in all the Southern States—when no electoral ticket bearing his name could have been tolerated in Georgia, or Alabama, or Carolina, or any Southern State—and when, if Henry Wilson had dared to go down South and advocate his election to the Presidency, he would have gone there as a man goes to the grave, and never would have come back to Massachusetts alive? When a party stands in that attitude to slavery, and slavery stands in that relation to it, I hold it is unfair and unjust to say that, after all, it is as bad as the party that goes all lengths for the extension and eternization of slavery. . . .