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the like of that, but I can't be honeyfuggled as to how my money comes and as to how it goes. I know how proud I was of the first confederate bill that crossed the feel of my fingers. How keerfully I put it low down in my breeches pocket, and kept my hand on it all the way home. I felt proud bekause the Confederacy owed me. Think, says I to myself, this is a big thing sertin, and I'll invest my bottom dollar in this kind of money, and lay it away for hard times. Well. After while, Mr. Memminger, or Congress, or somebody, got up a bill, the substance of which were about as follows: Mr. Arp, Sur: I bought sum supplies from you for my army, and I give you my notes. Now, if you will consolidate 'em and wait twenty years for the money, I'll pay you four per cent interest. If you won't do it, I'll repudiate one third of the debt, and I won't take any of it for what you owe me for taxes. Mr. Editur, it didn't take two to make that bargain — it only took one. I hurried off to the A
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Foreign recognition of the Confederacy — letter from Honorable James Lyons. (search)
t have security for the future. We cannot live hereafter in the state of harassment and excitement in which we have lived for some years past. Then drawing his hand across a piece of paper lying upon the library-table, upon the opposite sides of which we were sitting, he said: Mr. Seward will allow you to write your own guarantees. I expressed my individual readiness to consent to those terms. I had been in favor of the Southern convention which South Carolina proposed through Mr. Memminger, her commissioner, believing as I did, in which I am now confirmed, that if all the Southern States met in convention, as proposed by South Carolina, such guarantees would be asked of the Northern people as they would grant, and which would protect us, and in that event there would be no secession, and I certainly did not wish secession if we could be protected in the enjoyment of our constitutional rights, and that I believe was the general sentiment of the South. I believe I have give
tion to U. S. Constitution, 94. Opposition to armed force against states, 150. Massachusetts. Slavery question, 1. Delegates to Hartford convention, 63-64. Resolution on annexation of Texas, 64. Instructions to delegates to Constitutional convention, 79. Ratification of Constitution, 92-93, 118; amendments proposed, 93, 124. Use of term sovereign in Constitution, 122. Resolutions on annexation of Texas, 162. Property ceded to Federal government, 179. May, Henry, 292. Memminger, C. G. Selected Secretary of Treasury (Confederacy), 209. Merrimac (frigate), 285. Michigan. Admission, 1836. Attitude toward Peace Congress, 214-15. Miles, W. Porcher. Extract from letter concerning Davis, 206. Minnesota, 214. Mississippi, 15, 32, 33, 38-40. Governor's conference, 50, 51. Ordinance of secession, 189. Davis' remarks on resigning from Senate, 189-192. Provision for state army, 195. Jefferson Davis appointed commander, 195. Union bank episode,
would have gladly accepted such an order—so many ties were drawing him back to Louisiana—but the President deemed his presence imperatively necessary at Charleston, then the most threatened point of the Confederacy, and therefore persisted in his former determination. While journeying from Charleston to Montgomery, General Beauregard met Mr. W. L. Trenholm, whose father, George A. Trenholm, The Hon. George A. Trenholm was appointed Secretary of the Treasury after the resignation of Mr. Memminger. was a partner in the great firm of John Frazer & Co., of Charleston and Liverpool. This gentleman, as he informed General Beauregard, was the bearer of important propositions from the English branch of their house to the Confederate government, for the purchase of ten large and powerful steamers, then just built in England for the East India Company, which, no longer needing them, was desirous of finding a purchaser; the ships were to be properly manned and fitted out, and sent to the
lace it in the bands of John Boston, the depositary of the Government, at Savannah. A written order will be sent immediately, but don't wait for it. G. W. Randolph, Secy. of War. Without loss of time, though very reluctantly, General Beauregard sent an officer of his staff, Colonel A. G. Rice, Vol. A. D. C., to execute this disagreeable order. On the 14th, from Columbus, Colonel Rice telegraphed as follows: To Genl. T. Jordan, A. A. G.: Mr. Young, under instructions from Mr. Memminger, dated 9th of June, refuses to give up the coin. He has telegraphed to Richmond. No reply yet. A. G. Rice, A. D. C. Forcible possession, however, was taken of the coin; and the Secretary of War, when applied to for further instructions, ordered that, inasmuch as Mr. Young had been appointed a depositary by Mr. Boston, the money be left in the hands of the former, upon his consenting to receipt for it as the depositary of the Treasury Department. See telegrams, in Appendix. This
at Macon, reproduces two letters: one from Mr. Memminger and one from Mr. Trenholm, former secretarle comments upon it, and especially upon Messrs. Memminger and Trenholm's letters, in reply to Geneculated to mislead, if not deceive. For Messrs. Memminger and Trenholm, I need hardly say, I ever her, and are alike deceptive in argument. Mr. Memminger, for instance, makes no issue upon the poht in his figures and facts, then why need Mr. Memminger, who was at the time at the head of the Trnholm's figures and facts, what becomes of Mr. Memminger's argument that it would have required fouThen again, how fallacious and delusive is Mr. Memminger's argument attempting to show the difficulcurrency or tend to depreciate it. What Mr. Memminger says about the short time from the formatihe Treasury Department, and referred me to Mr. Memminger. It is proper, also, here to say that nriendly. But upon my urging the policy to Mr. Memminger, he persistently, on all occasions, oppose[1 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
on, in two letters to Sumner, written Nov. 8 and 10, 1860, represented that Southern opinion, even in South Carolina, did not really approve Brooks's act, and that the support openly given to him was on the surface, with no heart in it. He gave Memminger of South Carolina and Hamilton Fish as authority for his statements. There may be some truth in them. but they have not been authenticated by any contemporaneous written evidence. Reverdy Johnson, it should be mentioned to his credit, promptim, avoided him, and his fellowships were only with his own party and section. His black hair turned to gray, President Felton, who at Washington in his connection with the Smithsonian Institution, so wrote to Sumner, Nov. 8, 1860, and gave Memminger as authority. and observers noted in him nervous, stealthy glances from side to side as he walked. New York Times, Dec. 18, 1856. It is most likely that he felt the weight of the universal judgment of mankind, outside of the slaveholding Sta
in General Lincoln's surrender, and after the war made his home in Yadkin, now Surry county, becoming allied by marriage with the Patillo family. Young Clingman was graduated by the university of North Carolina, and began the practice of law at Hillsboro, where in 1835 he was elected to the legislature as a Whig, beginning a career of national prominence in politics. Removing to Asheville in 1836, he won considerable fame in a public discussion, concerning a proposed railroad, with Colonel Memminger, of South Carolina, and was elected to the State senate. He speedily assumed leadership in the Whig party, and in 1843 was elected to Congress, where he served in the lower house until 1858, continuously with the exception of the twenty-ninth Congress. In 1858 he was appointed United States senator to succeed Asa Biggs, and at the end of this term was elected. He took part in many famous debates in Congress, and attained a position of leadership in national affairs. His speech on t
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), A sketch of the life of General Josiah Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance of the Confederate States. (search)
t the University of Virginia), was made general superintendent of all laboratories, Colonel Burton superintendent of armories, Major Caleb Huse for the purchase abroad of arms and munitions, and of this officer, General Gorgas says: He succeeded with a very little money in buying a good supply and in running the ordnance department into debt for nearly half a million sterling—the very best proof of his fitness for his place and of a financial ability which supplemented the narrowness of Mr. Memminger's purse. General Gorgas had an admirable Staff of Officers, among them such men as. Major Smith Stansbury, Colonel G. W. Rains, Colonel LeRoy Broun, Colonel J. W. Mallett, T. A. Rhett, Snowden Andrews, Wright, White, Burton, De Lagnel, General St. John, Colonels Morton and Ellicott, Colonels B. G. Baldwin, William Alan, J. Wilcox Browne, E. B. Smith, Cuyler, Colston and others no less distinguished during the war than they have been in after life. These officers were in constant pers
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), President Davis in reply to General Sherman. (search)
(and others might be selected from the writings of Mr. Stephens since the war) bear voluntary and involuntary testimony to my character and motives, and more than answer the complaints contained in the letter to Mr. H. V. Johnson, and in the canvass just preceding his death. Mr. Stephens said that the only difference between us during the war was as to the policy of shipping the cotton crop of 1861 to Europe. That criticism, when made by another, was fully answered by Mr. Trenholm and Mr. Memminger, the two secretaries of the Confederate States treasury, in which they very clearly showed that the cotton crop of 1861 had been mainly exported before the Confederate government was formed, and that if reference was made to any later crop, the Confederacy had no ships in which to export it, and the blockade prevented, to a great extent, foreign ships from taking the cotton out. The secret message, which is printed in this historical statement, was communicated to the Confederate Stat