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The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 5: Forts and Artillery. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), Federal military railroads (search)
received the enthusiastic praise of General Grant. Engines for the military railroad at City Point had to be transported by water. In the lower photograph the General Dix is seen being landed at City Point. This engine weighed 59,000 pounds and cost $9,500. It was credited with a record of 16,776 miles at the comparatively low c it is the tender piled up with the wood which was used for fuel in those days. This is what necessitated the gigantic stacks of the wood-burning engines. The General Dix has evidently been put into perfect condition for its trips over the uneven track of the railway from City Point to the army lines at Petersburg. Major-General D. C. McCallum Landing the military engine General Dix at city Point, 1864-5 service, and staff horses; sixth, infantry regiments that had not seen service; and the following were ordinarily refused transportation, although the positive rule was laid down that nothing necessary for military service was to be refused transpo
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 8: Soldier Life and Secret Service. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), The Confederate Secret service (search)
d the cavalrymen of Wheeler, Morgan, and Forrest Belle Boyd—a famous secret agent of the Confederacy This ardent daughter of Virginia ran many hazards in her zeal to aid the Confederate cause. Back and forth she went from her home at Martinsburg, in the Valley, through the Federal lines, while Banks, Fremont, and Shields were trying in vain to crush Stonewall Jackson and relieve Washington from the bugbear of attack. Early in 1862 she was sent as a prisoner to Baltimore. However, General Dix, for lack of evidence, decided to send her home. This first adventure did not dampen her ardor or stop her activities. Since she was now well known to the Federals, her every movement was watched. In May she started to visit relatives in Richmond, but at Winchester happened to overhear some plans of General Shields. With this knowledge she rushed to General Ashby with information that assisted Jackson in planning his brilliant charge on Front Royal. On May 21st she was arrested at th
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 9: Poetry and Eloquence. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller), Chapter 6: lyrics (search)
nday rehearsal. Sunday was gloomy, with a cold rain falling. As Emmet looked out the window an expression with which he had become familiar in his circus experience flashed across his memory,—‘I wish I was in Dixie.’ Dixie referred to the South, where many companies spent the winter on the road. Emmet at once took up his fiddle and began to work out the melody along with the words. The melody which he used is supposed to have been an old Northern Negro air, associated with the name of one Dix or Dixy, who had a large plantation, some say on Manhattan Island, others on Staten Island. When the progress of abolition sentiment obliged him to migrate southward, his slaves looked back to their old home as a paradise. But with years the term Dixie's Land was transferred to their new home and was taken up by both white and black as a name for the South. Emmet's production was sung for the first time on Monday night, September 19, 1859, at 472 Broadway, New York City, where Bryant's Min<
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 2. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 6.34 (search)
were tabulated from tiles of the New York Herald for 1864. and though from the Wilderness on, Mr. Stanton--who was Napoleonic in his bulletins, if in nothing else — persistently chronicled success whenever battle was joined, gold rose with a like persistency after each announcement — a signal example of cynical unbelief in a truly good and great man. True, for a few days after Cold Harbor, the telegraph wires became mysteriously out of working order, owing, as he candidly confesses to General Dix in New York, to violent storms on the Peninsula, but the dreadful story gradually leaked out, and gold gave a frantic bound to 2.03, to 2.30--before the end of the month to 2.52--while Congress in a flurry passed a silly gold bill, and the New York Herald shrieked out curses against Rebel sympathizers in Wall street --as if Wall Street ever sympathized with anything save the Almighty Dollar. Of the temper of the enemy, I myself do not presume to speak, but there are not lacking indicat
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Reminiscences of the army of Northern Virginia. (search)
the quiet reply. What more? Shields is there with four thousand men. Good — very good! And after spending some time in deep abstraction, and then slowly reading and tearing to pieces the dispatch (a common habit with him), he leaned forward on his hands and immediately went to sleep. Not long afterward he roused himself and said to Colonel Boteler: I am going to send you to Richmond for reinforcements. Banks has halted at Williamsport and is being reinforced from Pennsylvania, Dix, you see, is in my front and is being reinforced by the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. I have a dispatch informing me of the advance of the enemy upon Front Royal, which is captured, and Fremont is now advancing toward Wardensville. Thus, you see, I am nearly surrounded by a very large force. What is your own, General? I will tell you, but you must not repeat what I say, except at Richmond. To meet this force I have only 15,000 effective men. What will you do if they cut you off, Ge
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 9. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Reminiscences of the army of Northern Virginia. (search)
s battle as embracing overwhelming numbers, and this theory is adopted by most Northern writers on the subject. But the field returns of both armies, and a careful computation of the figures of the official reports on both sides show that at the beginning of the battle Lee had under his command, of all arms, 80,284 men, while the official returns of the Army of the Potomac show that General McClellan had present for duty on the 20th day of June, 1862, 115,102, but as this return included General Dix's command of over nine thousand men at Fort Monroe, it is perfectly safe to say that McClellan had before Richmond, when the battle opened, one hundred and five thousand men with which to oppose Lee's eighty thousand. We had about fifty-two thousand on the north side of the Chickahominy and twenty-eight thousand in the trenches on the south side. We have no means at hand of determining the numbers of the Army of the Potomac actually engaged at Gaines's Mill and Cold Harbor, but this
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 10. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The true story of Andersonville told by a Federal prisoner (search)
egging the President to forego all idea of the exchange of negroes, if that were the point which stood in the way. Down to Charleston. Arriving at Pocotaligo, we were exchanged — that is, nine out of the twenty-one, two of the commissioners being kept back, although the twelve not exchanged might as well have been, as there were plenty Confederate prisoners at Beaufort, only a dozen miles away. Arriving in New York, the four commissioners applied for the necessary transportation at General Dix's office. It was refused, although Colonel Hall, Deputy Provost Marshal at Hilton Head, had given us letters to the headquarters of the department of the east, stating our mission, etc. The Sanitary Commission, however, supplied the transportation, and three of the commissioners proceeded to Washington, I remaining, however, in this city through illness, although I was not idle. They wrote to the President, and reported the object of their visit on three consecutive days; but it distres
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 10. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Peninsula — McClellan's campaign of 1862, by Alexander S. Webb. (search)
ickets north of the Chickahominy were driven in next day that the Federal Commander had any certain information of the approach of his swift-footed assailant. Lee was now ready to deliver battle. His strength, including Jackson, was from 80,000 to 81,000 men. (See the careful computations of General Early, Southern Historical papers, vol. I, p. 421, and of Colonel Taylor, Four Years with General Lee, the latter of which General Webb adopts, p. 119). General McClellan's strength, omitting Dix's command at Fort Monroe, was by his official return for June 10, 105,825 present for duty. (This number General Webb unfairly reduces to 92,500.) This disparity was not greater than must naturally exist between two combatants so unequal in resources as were the North and South. If the independence of the South was to be achieved it must be done in spite of it. To Lee's mind a simply defensive policy, resulting ultimately in a siege, promised nothing beyond a protracted struggle, with certa
William Boynton, Sherman's Historical Raid, Chapter 17: (search)
change you deem best. Very respectfully your obedient servant, T. S. Bowers, Assistant Adjutant-General. The part of the report thus alluded to was as follows: headquarters Military division of the Mississippi, in the field, City Point, Va., May 9, 1865. General: * * * * It now becomes my duty to paint, in justly severe characters, the still more offensive and dangerous matter of General Halleck's dispatch of April 26th, to the Secretary of War, embodied in his to General Dix of April 27th. General Halleck had been chief of staff of the army at Washington, in which capacity he must have received my official letter of April 18th, wherein I wrote clearly that if Johnston's army about Greensboro were pushed it would disperse, an event I wished to prevent. About that time he seems to have been sent from Washington to Richmond to command the new Military Division of the James, in assuming charge of which, on the 22d, he defines the limits of his authority to be
William Boynton, Sherman's Historical Raid, Chapter 19: (search)
ce the President, if possible, not to vary the first terms made with Johnston at all. So close were these relations as to suggest the idea that his present non-belief in a chief-of-staff dates from a few days later, when, in addressing General Grant after his terms had been rejected, he wrote: It now becomes my duty to paint in justly severe characters the still more offensive and dangerous matter of General Halleck's dispatch of April 26th to the Secretary of War, embodied in his to General Dix of April 27th. Out of the circumstances attending the rejection of the Johnston-Reagan terms, grew the controversy with the Secretary of War over the relative rights and powers of this officer and those of the General of the Army, which subject is discussed at some length in the Memoirs. Ever since Secretary Stanton's fearless performance of duty in connection with the political features of Johnston's surrender, General Sherman has maintained that this officer was a mere clerk, a
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