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Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore) 28 24 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 14 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore) 13 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 8 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 7 3 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: January 30, 1862., [Electronic resource] 7 7 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 4. (ed. Frank Moore) 7 3 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 6 0 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 6 0 Browse Search
Comte de Paris, History of the Civil War in America. Vol. 4. (ed. Henry Coppee , LL.D.) 6 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Cowan or search for Cowan in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
ort of his positions. He closed thus:— Insist upon guaranties. Pass the bill under consideration—pass any bill—but do not let this crying injustice rage any longer. An avenging God cannot sleep while such things find countenance. If you are not ready to be the Moses President Johnson had spoken of himself as the Moses of the colored people. of an oppressed people, do not become its Pharaoh. The array of testimony confounded the President's partisans. The only reply came from Cowan, a Republican, who treated Sumner's evidence as relating to exceptional instances, and not to any general features of society at the South; and he as well as the President made much of General Grant's report. He asked why, if Sumner and others thinking with him desired suffrage for the negroes, they did not say so broadly, and Sumner answered promptly from his seat, I do say so. A few days later Sumner called for full information concerning the provisional governors appointed by the Presid<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
was busy in the mean time in stirring up by letters To Frederick Douglass, G. T. Downing. Gerrit Smith, F. W. Bird, and C. W. Slack. an agitation against the proposed inequality. The same field of controversy was traversed again. The binding force of fundamental conditions after the State's admission was treated at length. Howard thought he had made a good point on Sumner by offsetting the Massachusetts exclusion of ignorant voters against the Nebraska exclusion of colored persons. Cowan dismissed with levity the idea of political equality,—resorting to physical analogies, and comparing his own height, six feet and three inches, and his weight, as one hundred and ninety pounds, with Sumner's height as the same, and thirty pounds greater weight. On the 9th, just as the vote was being taken, Wade called on the friends of the bill to vote down Brown's amendment, and Sumner called on all the friends of human freedom to support it; it received only eight votes. Edmunds's amendme