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lings of the parties were greatly allayed, and hopes were entertained that the strife might finally subside. These peaceful prospects, it will appear, were soon blasted by the repeal of this Compromise, and the struggle was then renewed with more bitterness than ever until the final catastrophe. Many grievous errors were committed by both parties from the beginning, but the most fatal of them all was the secession of the cotton States. The authorities cited in the work will show that Mr. Buchanan never failed, upon all suitable occasions, to warn his countrymen of the approaching danger, and to advise them of the proper means to avert it. Both before and after he became President be was an earnest advocate of compromise between the parties to save the Union, but Congress disregarded his recommendations. Even after he had, in his messages, exposed the dangerous condition of public affairs, and when it had become morally certain that all his efforts to avoid the civil war would be
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Mr. Buchanan's administration. (search)
Mr. Buchanan's administration. Chapter 1: The rise and progress of Anti-slavery agitation the higher law Anti-slavery societies their formation and proceedings their effect destructive of State emancipation the case in Virginia employment of the post office to circulate incendiary publications and pictures amonoslavery party the Fugitive slave law of 1793, and the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, and its pernicious effects the South threaten secession the course of Mr. Buchanan as Senator the Wilmot Proviso and its consequences the Union in serious danger at the meeting of Congress in December, 1849. that the Constitution does nomanifestly intended to promote servile insurrection and civil war within their limits. The power and duty of Congress to pass the bill were earnestly urged by Mr. Buchanan, then a Senator from Pennsylvania, in opposition to the objections of Mr. Webster. This anti-slavery agitation in New England was prosecuted by other and di
icy and practice of Congress toward the Territories abuse of President Buchanan for not adhering to the Cincinnati platform without foundatioTerritorial Government. Such was the condition of Kansas when Mr. Buchanan entered upon the duties of the Presidential office. All these prnment. A new era was now commencing with the accession of President Buchanan, and he indulged the hope that the anti-slavery party would at, and had completed his term of service on the day previous to Mr. Buchanan's inauguration. In this reasonable hope the President was desnor Geary. Soon after the inauguration an occasion offered to Mr. Buchanan to define the policy he intended to pursue in relation to Kansasn of personal freedom, before that tribunal. At the period of Mr. Buchanan's inauguration a case was pending before that Court (Dred Scott rn disunion agitators a powerful weapon against the Union. President Buchanan, ever since the commencement of his administration, has been
c party they are treated with contempt secession encouraged by the Republicans the cotton States led to believe they would be allowed to depart in peace President Buchanan warned them against this delusion. The alleged right of secession, or the right of one or more States to withdraw from the Union, is not a plant of Southof Congress (June, 1834). Here it may be proper to observe, that Congress refused to revive them throughout the entire session of 186-61, and to confer upon President Buchanan the same powers for the collection of the revenue which they had, but only for this brief period, conferred on President Jackson. The majority in South Cowerful argument before the people of that State against the right of secession; and this was a principal reason for his selection for a seat in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan. Without the cooperation of this great and influential State a successful movement toward disunion would have been impracticable. It was not until after th
President's position defined question of the power to coerce a State distinction between the power to wage war against a State, and the power to execute the laws against individuals views of Senator (now President) Johnson, of Tennessee President Buchanan's solemn appeal in favor of the Union his estrangement from the secession leaders Cessation of all friendly intercourse between him and them. On the 6th November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States, and im duties of the Department in a highly satisfactory manner, when he was appointed Postmaster-General. After these changes the Cabinet consisted of Messrs. Black, Dix, Holt, Toucey, Stanton, and King, who all remained in office until the end of Mr. Buchanan's term. The President had earnestly desired that his Cabinet might remain together until the close of the administration. He felt sensibly the necessary withdrawal of some of its members, after all had been so long united in bonds of mutua
ssion in the cotton States Mr. Crittenden proposes to refer his amendment to the people of the several States by an act of ordinary legislation his remarks in its favor proceedings thereof expression of public opinion in its favorPres— ident Buchanan recommends it recommendation disregarded and proposition defeated by the Clark amendment observations thereon peace Convention proposed by Virginia its meeting and proceedings amendment to the Constitution reported by Mr. Guthrie, chairman taking the sense of the people of the United States on certain proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United States; but never was he able, notwithstanding his persevering efforts, to induce the Senate even to consider this bill. President Buchanan, in the mean time, and from the beginning, exerted all his constitutional influence in favor of these measures. In his special message to Congress of the 8th January, 1861, after depicting the deplorable consequences which had already resu
ia to suppress insurrections against State Governments, without making any similar provision for suppressing insurrections against the Government of the United States. If any thing were required beyond a mere inspection of the act to render this clear, it may be found in the opinion of Attorney-General Black, of the 20th November, 1860. Indeed it is a plain casus omissus. This palpable omission, which ought to have been instantly supplied, was suffered to continue until after the end of Mr. Buchanan's administration, when on the 29th July, 1861, Congress conferred this necessary power on the President. 12 U. S. Stat. at Large, p. 281. The framers of the Act of 1795 either did not anticipate an insurrection within any State against the Federal Government, or if they did, they purposely abstained from providing for it. Even in regard to insurrections against a State Government, so jealous were they of any interference on the part of the Federal Governmentwith the rights of the State
Scott's statement of the interview with President Buchanan on 15th December, and observations there least, to have submitted his statements to Mr. Buchanan before he had embodied them in his report. would have never seen the light. When President Buchanan retired from office, he had reason to bered he may have thought that the censure of Mr. Buchanan in the report might prove an antidote to thhave caused the publication of this report, Mr. Buchanan has cause to rejoice that it was brought tow days after the publication of the report, Mr. Buchanan replied to it in a letter published in the s the statement of his conversation with President Buchanan, by saying, that on the 13th December he easy to prove he was mistaken. Indeed, President Buchanan has in his possession a note from the Ge by the logic of events, he alleges that President Buchanan might have called forth volunteers to ga (15th December), he addressed a note to President Buchanan, reminding him that General Jackson, dur[9 more...]
e of Mr. Floyd before his appointment. Though never in Congress, he had been, like his father, Governor of Virginia. Mr. Buchanan had been favorably impressed by the fact that he had refused to accept a recommendation from the Electoral College of strategy. What a failure and confusion of memory the report to President Lincoln exhibits I At the interview with President Buchanan on the evening of the 31st December, the General seemed cordially to approve the matured plan of sending reenforcemt and certain principal seceders of South Carolina, Nothing more unfounded and unjust could have been attributed to President Buchanan. Major Anderson may probably have committed an error in not promptly rejecting the demand, as he understood it, to decide. Certain it is, from whatever cause, no attack was made upon Fort Sumter until six weeks after the close of Mr. Buchanan's administration. The fort remained unmolested until South Carolina had been for some time a member of the Confederat
e moment when the Thirty-sixth Congress and Mr. Buchanan's administration were about to expire. In arrangement in the hostile spirit toward President Buchanan which pervades the whole document. He cs about January the 22d, and on the 29th President Buchanan, having entered into a quasi armistice wresident Lincoln in such odious colors? President Buchanan had a distinct recollection that either agnifying his own services and censuring President Buchanan. According to the report, he had experinal Intelligencer, in reply to that of ex-President Buchanan. Unable to controvert any of the matelate a period, is far-fetched and awkward. Mr. Buchanan, whilst repelling the charge in the Generalsibility, I should be sorry to believe that Mr. Buchanan specially consented to the removal, by Secrplorable want of memory to the prejudice of Mr. Buchanan. Whilst acknowledging his error in having ustomary letter of resignation addressed to Mr. Buchanan, immediately before the advent of the new a[11 more...]