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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
d on him, and anxious countenance, as if imploring him to desist, and not make a peaceful settlement between North and South impossible. Of Southern members of the House who occupied vacant seats of senators were Curry of Alabama and Lamar of Mississippi, who were both thought by spectators to be enjoying the classic and scholarly feast before them. Keitt, the accomplice of Brooks, sat awhile near Senator Hammond. Near Sumner sat Wilson (his colleague), Burlingame, and Lovejoy, and Senators Bingham and Preston King,—all ready to protect him. Seward and C. F. Adams were present a part of the time. The Republican senators, generally in their seats, listened with respect; but excepting perhaps Preston King, all, or nearly all, would have preferred that the speech should not have been made at that time. Few of them followed a custom among senators to subscribe for copies of the speech to be franked to their constituents. Seward, without expressly objecting to the speech, called i
William Swinton, Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac, chapter 12 (search)
h General Crawford supervened by the rebels getting in on the road by which we communicated between him and myself. The enemy became so bewildered in these woods that upwards of two hundred of them strayed into General Crawford's line and were captured. Some of these men, before being taken, captured three of our ambulances a mile in the rear of General Crawford. Six of them captured Captain Cope, of my staff; but finding themselves in our lines, gave up to him, and he brought them in. Major Bingham, of General Hancock's staff, on his way to General Crawford, was captured by them, but made his escape; and three officers of my staff, in attempting to avoid the road thus infested by the enemy, became lost in coming from General Crawford's to me, and had to stay out all night in the woods.—Warren: Report of Operations at Hatcher's Run. Almost simultaneously with this attack, the Confederate cavalry (five brigades under Hampton) assailed Hancock's left and rear, held by Gregg's moun
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register, Index to genealogies. (search)
Pratt. Rogers. Shepard. Wigglesworth. Lewis, 599. Lockwood, 599. Bradstreet. Haynes. Spencer. Longhorn, 599, 600. Crosby. Green. Marrett. Lord, 600. Lowden, 600. Stevenson. Luxford, 600, 1. Alboie. Billings. Cole. Fessenden. Glover. Goodwin. Olbon. Patten. MacKEYey, 601. MacOONEone, 601. Bush. Foster. Wood. Mann, 601. Palmer. Teel. Manning, 601-3 Abbott. Adams. Barrett. Barrows. Bingham. Bull. Carter. Case. Cleaveland. Cogswell. Darling. Day. Eager. French. Glover. Hill. Houghton. King. Lanman. Oliver. Pratt. Proctor. Randall. Remington. Robinson. Stearns. Stocking. Warland. Williams. Winship. Woods. Wright. Markham, 603. Whitmore. Marrett, 603-5. Amsden. Barstow. Bradish. Crackbone. Dunster. Fayerweather. Fisher. Foster. Hastings. Hayes. Hill. Hove
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 7: (search)
; Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachusetts; Mr. Anthony, of Rhodes Island; Messrs. Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut; Mr. Foot, of Vermont; and Mr. Fessenden, of Maine. The remaining twelve votes, in order to make up the 20, were given by Messrs. Bingham and Wade, of Ohio; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois; Messrs. Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan; Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wisconsin; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Mr. King, of New York; and Mr. Ten Eyck, ofMessrs. Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan; Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wisconsin; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Mr. King, of New York; and Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey. It is also worthy of observation, that neither Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, Mr. Simmons, of Rhode Island, Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, Mr. Seward, of New York, nor Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, voted on the question, although it appears from the journal that all these gentlemen were present in the Senate on the day of the vote. It would be vain to conjecture the reasons why these five Senators refrained from voting on an occasion so important. It will be recollected that a direct
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 8: (search)
ld lawfully have collected the revenue against the forcible resistance of the State, unless Congress had conferred additional powers upon him. For this purpose Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, on the 3d January, 1861, Con. Globe, p. 286, bills H. B., No. 910. the day after Mr. McIntire's nomination to the Senate, reported a bill from the d March, 1833, commonly called the Force Bill, to enable General Jackson to collect the revenue outside of Charleston, either upon land or on board any vessel. Mr. Bingham's bill was permitted to slumber on the files of the House until the 2d March, the last day but one before Congress expired, H. Journal, p. 465 when he moved was left both without a collector of customs, and most probably without any law which a collector could have carried into effect, had such an officer existed. Mr. Bingham's bill shared the fate of all other legislative measures, of whatever character, intended either to prevent or to confront the existing danger. From the persis
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion, Chapter 12: (search)
been informed and believes, that offers have been made to bribe, as insinuated in that resolution, nobody will object. But I do object to charges against any officer of the Government by insinuation. Mr. Covode was silent to this appeal, but Mr. Bingham came to his relief by objecting to the debate as all out of order. Mr. Winslow afterwards (amidst loud and continued cries of Order) said: I feel some hesitation about my vote. These resolutions are very vague and indefinite, large in theiuld cut off all amendment and debate. Mr. Noell. I desire to offer an amendment, and ask that it may be read for information. Mr. Covode. I cannot yield for that purpose. Mr. Noell. I ask to have the amendment read for information. Mr. Bingham I object. The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered to be put, and under the operation thereof the resolutions were adopted. On the 9th March, 1860, Mr. Speaker Pennington appointed Mr. Covode of Pennsylvania, Mr.
Adam Badeau, Military history of Ulysses S. Grant from April 1861 to April 1865. Volume 1, Chapter 7: (search)
p supplies and superintend transportation, Grant wrote: See that the commissary at Grand Gulf loads all the wagons presenting themselves for stores, with great promptness. Issue any order in my name that may be necessary to secure the greatest promptness in this respect. . . . Every day's delay is worth two thousand men to the enemy. To the same officer he said, on the 6th: Send me a report of about the number of rations on hand and sent forward to Grand Gulf. Send also to McFeely and Bingham, The chief commissary of subsistence and chief quartermaster of the command. and remind them of the importance of rushing forward rations with all dispatch. The road to below Warrenton ought now to be completed. If so, rations can be got over by that route very rapidly. . . . How many teams have been loaded with rations and sent forward? I want to know as near as possible how we stand in every particular for supplies. How many wagons have you ferried over the river? How many are sti
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Notes and Queries. (search)
on he formed of the General from what words he heard him utter. He replied that all who saw him there were strongly impressed upon two points in the General's character: 1. An intense, all-consuming desire for the Confederates to win the battle. 2. To die like a soldier. Brother Moore scouts the idea of General Armistead's making use of any such language as General Doubleday attributes to him. I have given you the substance of his statement, and you can put it into any form or make any use of it you may see fit. With thanks to Mr. Gerrish and Mr. Moore for their generous defence of the memory of a gallant Confederate, we add the above to the letters of Colonel R. W. Martin, General Hancock, and General Bingham, and respectfully submit that this testimony refutes, beyond all cavil, the reckless slander which General Doubleday based on camp rumor, and to which he clings with a persistence which savors more of the blindness of the partisan than the calmness of the true historian.
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.7 (search)
forward their representatives. Then fearing that the friends of reconciliation would be dominant in the congress, this ultra element sought to secure the appointment of delegates from the States not represented, who would combat this sentiment and defeat the accomplishment of any practical results. It was in this spirit that Zachariah Chandler, then a Senator from Michigan, wrote the following letter to the Governor of that State: Washington, Feb. 11, 1861. My dear Governor. Governor Bingham and myself telegraphed you on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace, or Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right, and that they were wrong; that no Republican State should have sent delegates; but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana, Rhode Island are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois; and now they beg us for God's sake to come to their rescue and save the Republican party from rupture, The whole thing wa
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 28. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Official report of the history Committee of the Grand Camp C. V., Department of Virginia. (search)
orthern States sent no Commissioners to this Congress at all; others, like Massachusetts, only sent them at the last moment, and then sent only such as were known to be opposed to any compromise or conciliation. The following letter of Senator Chandler, of Michigan, indicates too clearly the feelings of the Republican party at that time to require comment. It is dated February 11th, 1861, a week after the Congress assembled, and addressed to the Governor of his State. He says: Governor Bingham (the other Senator from Michigan) and myself telegraphed to you on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right and they were wrong, that no Republican State should have sent delegates, but they are here and can't get away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island are caving in, and there is some danger of Illinois; and now they beg us, for God's sake to come to their rescue and save the Republican part
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