Showing posts with label eBay v. MercExchange. Show all posts
Showing posts with label eBay v. MercExchange. Show all posts

Saturday, January 8, 2022

Contributed article to Wolters Kluwer publication and discussed practical implications of German patent 'reform' on licensing negotiations

Only intermittently do I author articles in German--and it's more or less unprecedented for me to adopt a quasi-academic style with proper citations because it would just slow me down when adding content to this blog. But the rare exception has just occurred, and a German-language Wolters Kluwer publication very recently published a German-language article of mine, with various citations in the footnotes.

A few years ago Wolters Kluwer's Licensing Journal asked for permission to reprint a FOSS Patents post on a Qualcomm-BlackBerry licensing dispute that was resolved through binding arbitration. I gladly authorized it. Now, the November 2021 edition of Wolters Kluwer's Zeitschrift für das Recht der digitalen Wirtschaft (which I would translate as "law journal for the digital economy") has come out with a slight delay, and on pages 407-410 (the content of the November edition starts with page number 401) subscribers can find my article entitled Unterlassungsanspruch bleibt Hebel der Patentinhaber in Lizenzverhandlungen ("entitlement to injunctive relief continues to give patentees leverage in licensing negotiations").

The ZdiW's editors are professors Bernd Hartmann and Mary-Rose McGuire, both of the University of Osnabrueck in Northern Germany. Professor McGuire was a witness at a parliamentary hearing on patent injunction reform, frequently comments on patent enforcement rules, and under her auspices, Maximilian Schellhorn (now practicing law at Hoyng Rokh Monegier) authored a doctoral thesis that took a critical perspective on the proposal for German patent injunction reform that was on the table at the time and subsequently adopted in an almost identical fashion.

I thank the editors for the invitation to contribute, and I am also honored to see my piece published in an edition whose distinguished contributors include, among others, Munich law professor Ansgar Ohly (who was interviewed about three aspects of German patent injunction reform) and Noerr partner Professor Sebastian Wuendisch.

You won't find the views expressed in my article surprising if you've previously read my commentary on that botched reform effort on this blog and/or considering the headline: I strongly caution licensing negotiators against false hopes connected to last year's "reform," which is a typical case of plus ça change.

Here's a quick overview of the article:

I. Yes on reform, no on change: while there is some spin doctoring for political or career reasons, those who way overstate the impact of the bill are not going to hold anyone harmless who bases decisions on unrealistic expectations.

II. Still the same high hurdle for a disproportionality defense: it would have taken a fundamentally different statute to bring about change, and if we want to be good democrats, we must accept that lawmakers favored continuity.

III. Third-party interests: the courts will seek to take shortcuts rather than spend years hearing court-appointed and party experts on the economic implications of the enforcement of a hypothetical injunction on third parties. It is predictable that in most cases the patent holder will make a licensing offer, thereby effectively precluding a defense based on third-party interests as the conclusion of a license agreement will avoid that third parties are harmed. I reiterate in the article my opinion that it would not make sense to hold owners of non-standard-esential patents ("non-SEPs") to a higher standard than those seeking to enforce their SEPs (and who have to overcome a dolo agit defense).

IV. SEPs: defendants with an unavailing FRAND defense are not going to win on the basis of an alleged disproportionality a battle they've already lost.

V. Monetary compensation for ongoing infringement: while it appears rather hypothetical that an injunction will be denied in practice, the German equivalent of "ongoing royalties" in the U.S. will likely exceed a royalty for punitive reasons and for the sake of deterrence of unlawful behavior.

VI. Higher legal fees: for professional liability reasons, defense counsel (in-house as well as outside) will have to put some significant effort into a propoertionality defense, but the courts will likely reach their conclusions on that part on a summary basis.

VII. Summary: I don't see how defendants are in a stronger position in non-SEP cases now, and with respect to SEPs they are actually under more pressure than ever due to recent developments in FRAND case law. I urge companies to carefully analyze the practical effects of the new patent injunction statute and to base their decisions related to licensing negotiations on a realistic assessment of the situation rather than the wishful thinking of those who failed to bring about true reform.

I'll add a few observations here. There is a total consensus among judges (who make the decisions) and commentators (who, like me, strive to make accurate predictions). Judge Fabian Hoffmann of the Federal Court of Justice said that it would have taken a different statute to get different outcomes (true!). Presiding Judge Klaus Bacher of the same division of that court said it was merely a consolidation of the existing case law (true!). Presiding Judge Andreas Voss ("Voß" in German) of the Karlsruhe Higher Regional Court's Sixth Civil Senate told an audience not to underestimate the "resilience" of the judiciary in this regard (good advice!). Other judges likewise predicted continuity. As for specialized media outlets, Juve Patent has consistently concluded that patent injunctions will remain the norm in Germany (precisely!), and IAM recently wrote that the reform bill could change things in theory but won't in practice (spot-on!).

Meanwhile I've come up with a new analogy to explain the failure of that "reform" effort. Those advocating reform opposed what they considered a largely binary approach. Now, in the binary system, 10 + 10 = 100 (in the decimal systems: 2 + 2 = 4). If you don't want 10 + 10 to amount to 100, you're not going to achieve it within the binary numeral system. You can theorize about it all you want, but in the end you'll get the same outcome again and again and again. You don't necessarily have to switch from binary to decimal, where 10 + 10 = 20. Even a ternary, quaternary or other numeral system might give you an outcome that looks different from 100. But if you need a different numeral system, you must make that departure from the binary system your political demand. Instead, those advocating "reform" thought or pretended they could solve the problem while staying binary, and some of them were simply not smart enough to figure it out while others didn't care about whether anything would change in practice: they just wanted a symbolical success in order to tell their superiors they had achieved something. It was easy for politicans to figure them all out, and to give them something of zero value.

Let there be no doubt about it: the hurdle would have been extremely high to depart from the binary numeral system. There would have been a huge risk of not getting anything in the end--but by contenting themselves with no practical change, those "reform" advocates defeated themselves. Those seeking to preserve the status quo declared themselves in opposition to any statutory rewording, and that made tactical sense: by way overstating the impact of whatever the pro-"reform" camp proposed, they enabled politicians to say, as parliamentary rapporteur Ingmar Jung did, that "when one side complains it doesn't go far enough, while the other says it goes too far, you've probably struck a great compromise." That rule of thumb is nonsensical, and that politician made it clear throughout the process that he was in favor of keeping patent enforcement strong.

In early June, after a political agreement among the then-coalition parties ahead of the plenary vote in the Bundestag (Federal Parliament), only formalities remained. Parties who had upcoming trials were already able to hire and instruct economic experts. Then, in mid-August, the bill was formally published in the Federal Law Gazette, with the part on injunctions taking immediate effect. By now, almost five months have passed and not a single case is known in which the injunction "reform" statute made even the slightest difference. Just a waste of time, money, energy. And it's going to stay that way forever in all likelihood. Should there be any deviation from the past standard, such as by a regional appeals court, the Federal Court of Justice will be sure to set the record straight in no uncertain terms--and a patentee who's prevailed on the merits but has been denied an injunction has a strong incentive to exhaust all appeals.

One company whose IP department occasionally spouts nonsense that overstates the impact of that patent injunction "reform" is Deutsche Telekom. Then, they also brought an "antitrust case" against licensing firm IPCom that is probably the greatest lunacy I've ever seen in patent litigation and was exposed as totally meritless by the Mannheim Regional Court. Whatever Deutsche Telekom says, defendant after defendant will fail to prevail on a disproportionality defense in German courts. That's why we still haven't heard, and most likely won't hear, about any case where the new statute actually strengthened a defendant's position.

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Friday, February 5, 2021

These should be the top five priorities for those organizations seeking to promote balanced patent policy

Things haven't recently gone too well for those opposing patentee overcompensation in the information and communications technology sector and trollish litigation tactics. The German patent injunction reform effort is now at a point where even communists demand strong intellectual property protection. To turn that one around, with the end of the term approaching fast, is like trying to win a chess match after losing too many pieces. But there are five other contexts in which the camp that is making itself completely ridiculous in the German reform process could still bring about really positive developments. The following order does not indicate the relative importance of each item, but is related to how soon one would have to take action:

  1. Ericsson v. Samsung now involves multiple antisuit injunctions (Samsung obtained an A1SI and A3SI in China, and according to rumors the Chinese court even entered an A4SI for good measure, while Ericsson won an A2SI that is being appealed). Ericsson has announced significant amicus brief activity. This dispute could become the next Microsoft v. Motorola in terms of its importance for U.S. antisuit injunctions in standard-essential patent (SEP) cases. It won't be hard for Ericsson to find many allies who argue that U.S. courts should enjoin, enjoin, and enjoin--just to have as much patent litigation in the U.S. as possible. But that's not going to be constructive because other countries, such as China in this case, could take the same attitude.

    It's key to help decision-makers at all levels understand that AxSI injunctions are merely a symptomatic escalation ("bring the popcorn"), but the underlying problem is territorial overreach courtesy of the Supreme Court of the UK. Escalation doesn't solve the problem. Deference and restraint are needed. It may take an international treaty to ensure patents will be litigated jurisdiction by jurisdiction, including SEP valuation. I know some patent monetization-focused companies (trolls and others) don't like that, but it's the only way out of this mess. In the Ericsson-Samsung dispute you now have a Swedish company that wants to litigate in Texas and a Korean company that asked a Chinese court for a global FRAND determination. Plus, the Swedes say that they'd be open to arbitration, but that always favors patent holders making unreasonable demands (because its results gravitate toward the middle between the parties' positions, and while you can always go higher, you can't counterbalance an excessive royalty demand by offering a negative royalty).

    It would be desirable for some amici to support Samsung's opening brief (due later this month) and to explain to the Federal Circuit that what Ericsson seeks to accomplish isn't ultimately even going to be good for the U.S. economy.

  2. SEPs again: The Dusseldorf Regional Court's referral to the Court of Justice of the EU of certain component-level SEP licensing questions is certain to be affirmed by the regional appeals court. Nokia, Ericsson, Qualcomm, and other net patent licensors who prefer to shake down end-product makers are going to be lobbying all across the EU. The CJEU doesn't accept amicus briefs from companies or industry associations. You must get support for your positions from the European Commission and from the governments of EU member states. Daimler's IP lobbying capabilities are unproven to put it diplomatically for a change. More sophisticated organizations with an interest in component-level licensing should play an active role and talk to EU member state governments (to all of them) and figure out how to steer the Commission's position in the right direction.

  3. Another CJEU referral, but not SEP-related: the Munich I Regional Court made a smart move from its perspective by asking the top EU court to lower the standard for preliminary patent injunctions. But every referral creates an opportunity to achieve a different outcome than the one the referrer would like. I'm not suggesting that one could or should "hijack" this referral, but it is perfectly legitimate to raise the issue of proportionality (EU Intellectual Property Rights Enforcement Directive) in this context. Maybe this referral is not only the first but also, due to group pressure on German patent judges, the last opportunity for many years to challenge the German near-automatic patent injunction regime at the EU level. In terms of what it takes, see the previous item.

  4. Access to injunctions is also an issue on the other side of the Atlantic. The case law is good, but some politicians would like to overrule eBay v. MercExchange through new legislation. During the last term it turned out that Senator Thom Thillis (R-N.C.) was having second thoughts. Still, don't underestimate the risk here, and do your lobbying job on Capitol Hill before it's too late.

  5. Another Congressional challenge: the aforementioned Senator Thillis does still seek to do away with Alice (invalidity of abstract patents). He actually appears to be obsessed with that one--as is equally re-elected pro-patent-troll Senator Chris "Looney" Coons (D-Del.). This is going to be a bigger challenge than preserving the eBay standard!

The above handful of policy issues are likely the most important ones this year and next with respect to patents. Should the Federal Trade Commission file a cert petition in the Qualcomm case, that would make it six (precisely 50% of which would be SEP matters). The deadline is late next month, and I heard from DC circles that this depends on new nominations of FTC commissioners by President Biden. Even if that didn't work out, it's key to at least ensure that the Biden Administration's positions on SEP enforcement will be more like those of the Obama Administration.

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Friday, January 1, 2021

Ten patent and antitrust predictions for 2021

Happy New Year!

Let me start with what I believe will be some of the hottest items on the patent and antitrust agenda (with a focus on the information and communications technology industry, of course) this year. There's always a risk of making predictions that don't play out, but I can live with that. I've had a very high hit rate--but obviously sub-100%--with respect to judicial and regulatory decisions. Unlike practitioners, I don't incur the risk of clients losing faith in me. Instead, I believe many of my readers actually prefer me to just share my thoughts and speak my mind.

  1. Mobile app platforms to be the clear #1 antitrust topic

    I'm convinced that this is bigger than the "smartphone patent wars" were in the first half of the last decade, and I'd definitely say so even if I had not released an app shortly before Christmas, which, by the way, has been lauded for its quality as well as for making a positive contribution to the fight against COVID-19. Some examples:

    No, it's not just that I'm seeing the world through an app developer's lens. Throughout this year, there's going to be news from numerous countries on multiple continents concerning app store antitrust matters. There'll be a spectacular Epic Games v. Apple trial in Oakland. From what I hear, and without stating my own position on the legal framework yet, I predict that the European Commission's Directorate-General for Competition (DG COMP) is going to hand down a Statement of Objections (SO) in the investigation of Spotify's October 2019 complaint (prior to which Spotify was already informally lobbying the EC heavily). The Coalition for App Fairness will certainly continue to grow. There will be cases in which apps are rejected, or will be removed from an app store despite originally having been approved, such as Vybe Together. But there's also a potential for further improvements in favor of developers--and room for improvement there clearly is, not only on iOS but also on Android.

    While some organizations primarily rely on regulatory intervention and judicial decisions, others will look for "workarounds" as we can see in the case of game streaming services, where Microsoft decided to bring its xCloud--and Google its Google Stadia service--to iOS devices on the basis of HTML5 web apps.

  2. It's a safe assumption that things can't get worse with respect to the USPTO and patent-related antitrust enforcement under the incoming Biden Administration than they were under the outgoing Trump Administration.

    With Andrei Iancu, a litigator whose firm does most of its patent assertion business with trolls, and Makan "Macomm" Delrahim, a Qualcomm lobbyist, #45 put not only fox in charge of the hen house, but two. #46 can't possibly make worse choices in that regard, even if he tried.

  3. But, to my dismay, I expect very negative developments in the 117th United States Congress. With Senators Thom Thillis (R-N.C.) and Chris Coons (D-Del.) having been reelected, their unholy alliance is set to continue for many more years. Presumably they're going to launch a massive legislative assault on Alice (§ 101) with lots of support on both sides of the aisle. Silicon Valley largely supports the Alice case law, but will the tech industry thwart that foreseeable attempt to overrule the Supreme Court by means of new legislation? What the United States needs in 2021 is what the EU had about 20 years ago: an anti-software-patent movement (or at least an anti-abstract-software-patent movement). I didn't found that one; I joined it in 2004 and launched one prominent campaign within that movement. There still would be a potential for mobilizing the developer community at large, and that would be a way to contribute to efforts to dissuade Capitol Hill lawmakers from overturning Alice. If it comes down to traditional, run-of-the-mill lobbying, the anti-Alice movement will win handily.

  4. What I believe can be avoided (but even that is not sure) is that Congress, in one fell swoop, also does away with the patent injunction requirements under eBay v. MercExchange. Sen. Thillis appears to have become a little more balanced in that regard, though he has yet to figure out how essential Alice is to protect America's true high-tech innovators (as opposed to trolls).

  5. COVID-19 is still going to have a major impact on patent litigation. Expect to see delays in reasonable districts--but also irresponsible decisions by out-of-control superspreader judges on both sides of the Atlantic.

    In one major hotspot region, Germany, there are presently more people dying from and with COVID-19 every day, relative to population size, than in the United States, and it appears highly unlikely--barring an unforeseeable improvement of the situation, such as by a sudden burst of vaccine production capacity somewhere--that herd immunity will be achieved in Germany or any other large EU member state in 2021.

    While outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel took far more reasonable positions than various other politicians when it came to imposing undesirable but inevitable restrictions on citizens, she's always been a total disaster with respect to migration policy (even in 2020, Germany condoned that more than 100,000 illegal immigrants entered the country, with many COVID-19 outbreaks in asylum shelters and other diseases being imported) and she's always put Europe first, her own country not even second.

    Even though the first highly effective COVID-19 vaccine was invented in Germany (by legal immigrants of the most admirable and desirable kind), the German government decided to source any vaccine only through the EU. That could have worked if not for French president Muckron's protectionism. Pfizer/BioNTech offered the EU 500 million doses, and Moderna (which uses the same type of technique, mRNA) another 300 million. With 800 million doses, the EU could have vaccinated pretty much every citizen (without even needing AstraZeneca's hands-down inferior and problematic alternative)--at a minimum, it would have achieved herd immunity, and probably by the summer, if not sooner.

    But the French government, whose influence over EU politics has never been more damaging than under its current president, would rather let many people die than acknowledge French pharmaceutical giant Sanofi-Aventis' failure to innovate. Sanofi's vaccine isn't ready, and even if and when it will be, it won't be a match for what Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna have to offer. The French government wanted to avoid two things:

    • They didn't want Sanofi-Aventis to lose market share, as a result of its failure to provide a competitive COVID-19 vaccine, to German and American companies.

    • They also wanted to avoid a situation in which a German company (founded and led by Turkish immigrants) would have "saved" Europe from COVID-19.

    So Muckron, probably through French EU fake news commissioner Thierry Breton, practically vetoed any commitment to other companies that would have exceeded the quantities the EU agreed to buy from Sanofi-Aventis. Unfortunately, the totally unethical French government didn't have to fear any objection from its equally irresponsible and ruthless German counterparts in Berlin and Brussels who don't care about and for the lives of ordinary citizens nearly as much as for their "EU über alles" ideology.

    As a result, the German government's current vaccination plan envisions that the majority of the population (45 million people categorized as those having a "low risk") would not get vaccinated before December 2021 at the earliest.

    No, this is not a conspiracy theory. It was reported by Germany's nost influential political newsweekly, Der Spiegel, which is a liberal magazine and couldn't possibly be more EU-friendly--and a columnist for its center-right competitor, Focus, picked it up and completely agreed. His conclusion: instead of "Stronger together," the EU's slogan should be "Dying together, Brussels kills people." That is a similar way to put it as what Romanian MEP Cristian Terhes told the press: "European Unity is not a strength when it is slow, cumbersome and bureaucratic; indeed it kills when it puts utopian ideologies over letting nation states protect their own citizens and best interests."

    Later today, the same Focus columnist published another piece in which he says this is Merkel's most devastating mistake in 15 years in office, and he's wondering why most of the mainstream media (with a few notable exceptions, though) remains silent about it. People are going to see the impact of this as Germany will have to impose lockdowns at a time when other countries, thanks to herd immunity, will be back to normal life more or less.

    The combination of Spiegel and Focus in Germany is comparable to MSNBC and FOX NEWS agreeing on something in U.S. politics. Also, Dr. Daniel Stelter, a German management consultant who had worldwide responsibility as a managing director at Boston Consulting Group, discussed this matter on Twitter.

    Professor Uğur Şahin, the CEO of BioNTech, told German newspaper Die Welt that the EU behaved very differently from countries that bought vaccines directly. It appeared the Commission couldn't really act without approval from some member states, and the EU gave the impression it thought there were alternatives. This is consistent with the French protectionism story: obviously the Commission didn't invite BioNTech to its internal discussions with France (if anybody was privy to them, that would have been Sanofi, of course--given that France's vision of "fairness" is that its own companies, even when they fail to innovate, must receive preferential treatment). All that BioNTech saw that how the EC was dealing with them, and it's clear now that the Commission failed the bloc's citizens. It failed so miserably that there's probably never been a stronger case for leaving the EU: the UK is already outvaccinating it. While this Daily Express article reflects strong EU skepticism, it also talks about some of what went wrong and why.

    Those delays in vaccination will have an impact on German patent trials, unless judges decide to go ahead anyway, as some of them are prepared to do.

  6. German patent injunction reform is going nowhere. Some kind of bill will be passed, and the pro-reform movement will engage in some predictable spin-doctoring, but the mess is going to be just the same, except that legal fees will be higher than before. I'd love to be proven to have been wrong, and to see something good come out of that process, but the pro-reform movement consists of too many born losers.

  7. The Unified Patent Court (UPC) will be like the German patent judiciary on steroids. It's going to start its operation soon. There was no political resistance, so it's just going to happen, and possibly the first UPC hearings will already take place this year.

  8. We'll hear a lot about antisuit, anti-antisuit, and anti-anti-antisuit injunctions this year. In fact, 2020 ended with the outbreak of a major anti-anti-antisuit venue fight between Ericsson and Samsung.

  9. Finally, component-level licensing of standard-essential patents (SEPs): Nokia won't be able to prevent the referral of a set of key legal questions to the Court of Justice of the EU. The more interesting question is what the other major German patent infringement venues will do: will they stay certain cases pending the CJEU proceeding? Or will they just look for ways to duck the question, simply by finding against plaintiffs on other grounds? The lower courts won't be helpful, but the appeals courts will overrule them in some cases. After the German referral to the CJEU, courts in other EU member states may also stay SEP cases involving component-level licensing-based defenses.

  10. The Avanci SEP pool firm is not going to change its "end-product-only" policy. As a result, it's not going to do much business in 2021.

I'll look at these predictions again in a year from now.

Finally, I'd also like to highlight a macroeonomic fact: relative to the size of its economy, no other major economic area in the world has taken on nearly as much debt during the COVID-19 crisis as the eurozone. And I believe they'll have to do even more in 2021, due to the abysmal failure to procure enough doses of available and effective vaccines that I explained further above. The eurozone's perpetual lie is that they need to borrow their way out of debt in order to stimulate "growth." They've been saying so since the start of the Greek sovereign debt crisis. It just won't happen because especially Southern Europe can't compete in the Digital Age--and even Germany faces challenges (with Tesla being the world's most valuable automotive company, far more important than the entire EU automotive sector), as do the Nordic countries (Ericsson and Nokia can't simply sell their cellular base stations on the merits--they depend on patent abuse and political protectionism).

Since 2008, the ECB's central bank money supply has increased from about 900 billion euros to roughly five times that amount, if not more, as renowned economist Hans-Werner Sinn explained on YouTube. One might wonder why this hasn't led to hyperinflation. It hasn't yet, but it inevitably will at some point. The eurozone has been the loser among major economies with respect to digitization, and it's now also the loser with respect to COVID-19. The consequences will be dramatic. But we won't see much of them in 2021 as the ECB will continue to simply buy up government debt. That so-called "Modern" Monetary Theory is actually a very old concept that already failed about a century ago.

The euro currency may still exist in 10 years or even in 20 years (though I strongly doubt the latter) from now, but Europe's economic future looks extremely bleak. COVID-19 has been an accelerator, a catalyst, and it has exposed some of the structural issues facing the EU and the economies and societies of many (especially its largest) Member States. The UK--which never joined the eurozone anyway, but at some point might have had to choose between leaving the EU or giving up the pound--is going to do far better outside the EU. It will take more than one or two years until people recognize that Brexit will have been the best decision for Britain's prosperity, though I absolutely understand all those British citizens, especially young professionals, whose personal opportunities would be greater, or at least more numerous and more diverse, had the UK remained in the EU.

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Sunday, October 4, 2020

Justice Kennedy's eBay v. MercExchange concurrence and Judge Kuehnen's take on German patent reform proposal: striking transatlantic parallels

Despite having the word "patents" in its name, this blog has recently talked more about the antitrust injunction Epic Games is seeking against Apple in the Northern District of California, but today I wish to discuss patent injunctions again.

Injunctive relief is the most bitterly-fought part of the patent reform package the German government will soon present to the patent litigation hotspot's legislature. Those advocating reform are much happier than last time, but resistance from those opposing any reform is stiffer than ever.

For a recap, the draft injunction statute unveiled about a month ago translates like this:

"The claim [to injunctive relief] is excluded to the extent that, under the special circumstances of an individual case, compliance [with its enforcement] would result in disproportionate hardship on the infringer or third parties beyond what is justified by the exclusionary right. In this case, the patentee can seek monetary compensation to the extent this appears reasonable. The damages claim pursuant to para. 2 remains unaffected."

Those who said that this wasn't materially different from the January proposal are either ignorant or propagandists (or both, as that combination has its advantages).

Not only did the feedback the Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection received from stakeholders clearly show that what has changed is significant but Germany's most prominent patent judge, Presiding Judge Dr. Thomas Kuehnen ("Kühnen" in German) of the Dusseldorf Higher Regional Court and author of the leading German reference work on patent infringement litigation, has recently laid out in an ExpertenKolloqium video conference how he would interpret the above statute should it be enacted.

While Judge Dr. Kuehnen is generally in favor of the exclusionary nature of a patent, he would consider the "collateral damage" from an injunction over a patent covering a minor feature of a complex multifunctional product to constitute "special circumstances" under which to deny injunctive relief (click on the image to enlarge; this post continues below the image):

That passage translates as follows:

"A fact pattern becomes 'special' if the alleged infringement is part of a complex, inseparable salable unit, as a result of an injunction over which there would be substantial collateral damage (going beyond the patented technique, which is the sole subject of the exclusionary right)."

In his famous and highly influential concurrence in eBay v. MercExchange, Justice Kennedy had already expressed, back in 2006, his concerns over enjoining a complex, multifunctional product over a minor invention.

In the spirit of eBay, Judge Kuehnen also notes that patent trolls aren't per se precluded from seeking injunctive relief (which isn't even the case in the United States), but their business model may weigh against an injunction (click on the image to enlarge; this post continues below the image):

That passage translates as follows:

"The fact that a plaintiff is solely a non-producing licensing entity is not in and of itself sufficient [to deny injunctive relief], may however play a certain role in the overall analysis (interest in enforcement)."

There still would be fundamental differences between eBay and that particular interpretation of the proposed German patent injunction statute, the most important one being that Judge Kuehnen believes a defendant should not be entitled to a proportionality defense on top of a FRAND-based antitrust defense. I disagree, but Judge Kuehnen's take on FRAND is far more balanced than that of the Munich I Regional Court and at least one of the two patent litigation divisions of the Mannheim Regional Court: Judge Kuehnen initially analyzes whether the standard-essential patent (SEP) holder's offer was FRAND-compliant before potentially turning to the implementer's counteroffer; he expects a rather comprehensive disclosure of comparable license agreements; and he doesn't deprive component makers of their right to an exhaustive SEP license on FRAND terms.

Another difference is that even a defendant's likely bankruptcy wouldn't matter to Judge Kuehnen. But at least he recognizes that leverage to a patentee from an injunction that does logistical damage way beyond the intrinsic value of the invention can be a serious issue in some cases.

It's still too early to predict that German patent law will actually close a significant or even substantial part of the gap between the country's current (near-)automatic injunctions and eBay:

  1. For now this is just a draft statute and not even the definitive proposal by the German federal government yet. The government coalition is divided, with highly influential conservative politicians--including my best ally in the conservative party on the subject of software patents (that was 16 years back and I haven't been in contact with him in a long time)--seeking to preserve the status quo. Judge Kuehnen's interpretation of the proposed statute will, if anything, just strengthen the resolve of anti-reform forces to water the statute down--and with the end of the legislative term approaching, that's a real risk as the point will be reached soon at which there won't be any time left for further wrangling and wordsmithing.

  2. Justice Kennedy's concurrence isn't binding on anybody, but the per curiam in eBay is. By contrast, whatever Judge Kuehnen may decide in the future won't be formally binding on anyone, and will be influential only in his own circuit (Dusseldorf). It's hard to imagine that Mannheim and Munich would interpret the statute the same way, though they all read and cite to his book when it suits them.

  3. Judge Kuehnen's court won't have the final say, and the Federal Court of Justice of Germany has a patent law division whose decisions like Sisvel v. Haier are sometimes blown out of proportion, but which generally promotes the cause of making or keeping Germany an attractive venue for patent litigation as opposed to advancing the public interest in balanced patent law.

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Saturday, January 18, 2020

Without eBay factor #2, German patent reform movement is left with nothing but Kremlinology, spin, and self-delusion: licensing vs. injunction

Thanks to both those favoring and those opposing patent injunction reform in Germany who gave me feedback. What I hear for the most part is that people appreciate my relentless pursuit of harsh analysis. The injunction-related part of the German patent reform bill is redundant boilerplate of the kind that's not really going to move the needle. Someone has to tell it like it is. The only good news so far is that Ingmar Jung, the rapporteur of the CDU/CSU (= the chancellor's party) group in the German Federal Parliament, told Handelsblatt that they're going to "scrutinize and discuss" the proposal.

I'm quoted in that same article, saying that the proposed reform, a draft version of which was revealed earlier this week, fails to deliver meaningful progress as a prevailing patentee simply needs to make a licensing offer that may be excessive, but just not excessive enough for the court to categorize as unreasonable based on a superficial analysis. In that case, the "infringer" will be considered an "unwilling licensee," and the injunction will come down regardless of the damage it may do.

While I agree with at least one of the thought leaders of the reform movement who says that he sorely misses (as do I) a reference to the commercial value of an invention underlying an injunction patent relative to the accused product, even that perspective isn't comprehensive enough. At the heart of the single biggest issue there's the total absence, from the statute as well as the government's rationale, of the second eBay v. MercExchange factor: the requirement for an injunction that monetary relief (= a damages award) be "inadequate" to make the patentee whole. That includes, but is not limited to, the intrinsic value of the invention at issue and its relevance to the accused product.

It's going to be very hard, if not next to impossible, to improve the situation in Germany without a mind change in this regard. For as long as policy makers and judges believe that an injunction is the King of Remedies (as they say in court, "Königsanspruch"), a prevailing patentee

  • just needs a scintilla of doubt about "good faith" and "unjustified hardship" in order to obtain an injunction (and the court won't even bother to appoint an economic expert witness),

  • will benefit from a fast-approaching expiration date of a patent,

  • a patentee with a licensing-centric business model will actually benefit from his willingness to extend a license (by making the defendant out to be an unwilling-licensee type of infringer--just lawless), and

  • nothing at all will improve with respect to standard-essential patents (SEPs) as the availability of a compulsory license will weigh against implementers, not patentees.

The last bullet point is not merely a prediction. A few months ago I seized the opportunity to ask Presiding Judge Dr. Matthias Zigann of the 7th Civil Chamber of the Munich I Regional Court at an official event whether his SEP guidelines (which will be finalized shortly) would change if proportionality was introduced into § 139 (the injunction paragraph) of the German Patent Act. His answer was no, and he argued that the availability of a license on FRAND terms takes care of proportionality. In other words, defendants should just take a license.

It will be incredibly hard to dissuade a court from injunctive relief, other than maybe some transitional period (with patentees always arguing that one could have started a workaround no later than when notice of infringement was provided or the complaint served), if the hardship one argues to face is weighed against the King of Remedies.

The law must make it clear, ideally through the statute but at least through the official rationale, that a patent is a valuable intellectual property right (IPR) even if patentees must, under certain circumstances, content themselves with damages awards. It needs to be taken into consideration that monetary compensation is the norm, not a rare exception, in the real world as far as the technology sector (from chipsets to cars) is concerned.

In the United States, the fact that someone licensed a patent doesn't necessarily preclude the patent holder from being granted injunctive relief. But it is taken into consideration, and a licensing-based business model certainly doesn't weigh in favor of an injunction, which is why "patent trolls" rarely obtain injunctions in U.S. district court at this stage.

While we're on the subject of comparative law, I appreciate Professor Thomas Cotter's latest Comparative Patent Remedies blog post, in which he "certainly agree[s] that 'the German statute falls far short of eBay v. MercExchange.'" I guess no one would doubt that this is not even a close question. But if we ask ourselves what eBay factor makes the greatest difference, I can tell you from my experience as a patent litigation analyst that the second factor is the crucial one. Its underlying idea is what the reform movement must explain to politicians: not in the sense of "everything's better in America" but, regardless of what other jurisdictions do, it's key for decision-makers to understand that a patent is valuable even if injunctions don't come down more or less automatically.

For now, it seems that only parts of the reform movement reject and resist any attempt to gaslight them. In too many places, they're trying to spin a smokescreen into a substantive victory, which won't work because of how German patent infringement judges think. For the third time in the (almost) ten-year history of this blog, I have to quote Julius Caesar: "fere libenter homines id quod volunt credunt" (people readily believe that what they want to be the case is the case)

Self-delusion is not the answer. The logic underlying the second eBay factor can make a difference. Maybe it works in some organizations that people sell as a groundbreaking success what is just symbolical and psychological. I'm not going to be impressed or persuaded by anything that doesn't establish criteria capable of truly redressing the balance.

What Presiding Judge Ulrike Voss ("Voß" in German, and not to be confused for Karlsruhe appellate judge Andreas Voß) said on Thursday about the bill claiming not to change anything, but there perhaps being a hidden message in the government's decision to amend the injunction paragraph at all, may raise hopes. But such hopes are tantamount to Kremlinology, or "Kremlin Astrology," just like an announcement of a five-year plan having been met by the Soviet Union was interpreted against the background of the Secretary General of the Central Committee of the Communist Party looking displeased and the Secretary of Commerce having been sixth, not fourth, to enter the room that day.

Even Judge Voss's observation that the new statute might mean a slightly (!) more open door to a permanent denial of injunctive relief than the Heat Exchanger ruling by the Federal Court of Justice doesn't convince me. The point of reference is Article 3 of the Intellectual Property Rights Enforcement Directive (IPRED) of the European Union. That one is in force and effect, not merely a suggestion...

The reform movement must never lose sight of eBay factor #2 and IPRED Art. 3. And I just realize we haven't even talked about the injunction gap problem, which the draft bill fails to solve as well...

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Saturday, September 14, 2019

Looney Coons meets resistance to ill-conceived STRONGER Patents bill that would increase patent troll litigation, harm high-tech innovators

Over at IPWatchdog they have a summary of this week's Senate Judiciary Committee hearing (video recording) on the STRONGER Patents Act, a bill primarily (but not exclusively) put forward and promoted by Senator Chris Coons (D-Del.). They place a little more emphasis on quotes from those supporting the bill, but they do acknowledge a "sharp split on injunctive relief, IPR [PTAB inter partes reviews] fixes."

The bill's name stands for "Support Technology & Research for Our Nation's Growth and Economic Resilience," but there's nothing positive to say about its content other than recognizing the creativity that went into the derivation of this marketing-friendly acronym and the fact that there is widespread consensus one should end USPTO fee diversion. While the tertiary item on "assisting small businesses in the U.S. patent system" sounds good, it's useless and amounts to diversionary tactics.

Like many--if not most--legislative proposals, "STRONGER" is a misnomer, and those opposing the pillars of that reactionary and harmful proposal stressed that stronger enforceability of patents doesn't mean a stronger innovation economy. As the Electronic Frontier Foundation accurately stated, that bill "would make bad patents stronger than ever." In a Washington Examiner op-ed, the R Street Institute's Charles Duan proposes that "Congress should look for solutions that enhance not the strength of patents, but the strength of patent correctness."

At its core, "STRONGER" is an

  • anti-America Invents Act,

  • anti-Supreme Court,

  • anti-Federal Circuit,

  • anti-PTAB,

  • anti-eBay v. MercExchange

basket of pernicious idiocies and boon for litigators, companies with products involving only one or a very few patented inventions, and above all, patent trolls. "MONGER" would be a more suitable name, in the sense of a warmonger (in this case, litigation, not literal war). The modified acronym could be resolved like this:

"Monetization Of Non-judiciously Granted Exclusionary Rights"

In a follow-up post I'll talk about the substantive points the witnesses (three in favor, three against) made at the hearing and in submissions (the record is open for a few more days). Before I get there, I'd like to discuss the two key players in the Senate Judiciary Committee, Chairman Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) and, especially, the zealot behind the bill, Sen. Coons.

Should anybody ever have believed that quick passage was an option for the MONGER bill, those hopes should have been dashed by Sen. Tillis's efforts to distance himself from (at least) the proposed overruling of the eBay v. MercExchange standard for injunctive relief as well as the "one bite at the apple" approach to petitions for PTAB inter partes post-grant reviews.

It's regrettable that Sen. Tillis joined Looney Coons (I'll explain the reasons for that pejorative nickname toward the end of this post) in writing a letter to USPTO Director Andrei Iancu--a letter that the recipient had likely requested, if not explicitly, then at least implicitly--ahead of the PTAB rule changes I've previously criticized. But Sen. Tillis appears to have second thoughts, or at least wants to see how things evolve before taking the next steps and perpetuating and/or exacerbating anything.

Sen. Tillis has an IT background. Whether his previous role as a "partner" (with respect to the consulting business that used to belong to PricewaterhouseCoopers) with IBM makes him particularly receptive to Big Blue's pro-monetization patent policy ideas is another question, but at least this background contrasts nicely with Looney Coons's (according to Wikipedia) sole real-economy job experience as in-house counsel at W.L. Gore & Associates, the company known for Gore-Tex and other materials, a business in which you have pretty much a one-to-one relationship between patents and products.

Looney Coons has a very, very special relationship with the Gore-Tex company, as this archived Delaware Online article, which I found through a keywiki.org page summarizing information about Coons that Wikipedia presumably prefers to remain silent about, reveals:

"Soon after those tough times, Coons' mother, Sally, married again, this time to Robert Gore, the wealthy chairman of Newark-based fabrics-maker W.L. Gore & Associates. Coons was 14 at the time."

At W.L. Gore, Coons was responsible for ethics training, federal government relations, e-commerce legal work and for general commercial contracting. To be fair, as a Yale graduate (though it's unclear to what extent he owed his admission to his wealthy stepfather's connections) who clerked for a Third Circuit judge Coons could have had job opportunities outside the family business, but that's where he spent the only eight years of his real-economy professional life, with a political focus (albeit a non-exclusive one).

W.L. Gore was among the top contributors to Coons's 2010 Senate bid, which was the critical one: a special election to fill then-VPOTUS Joe Biden's seat. Conventional wisdom would have said that the Democratic primaries were the real challenge as Delaware has elected only Democratic senators since 1994, and has also been firmly blue for about as long. However, as the great Rush Limbaugh noted then, Obama presumably wouldn't have gone to Delaware to campaign for Coons if Republican candidate Christine O'Donnell hadn't had a prayer. Democratic leaders might have been more concerned than they admitted that an article in which Coons described himself as a bearded Marxist (I'll link to it and discuss it further below) posed a serious risk in the general election.

Other major donors included Skadden Arps and the second-largest Delaware law firm, Young Conaway. Law firms obviously stand to gain from more patent litigation. The latter has also been Coons's top donor in the second half of this decade, just like lawyers and law firms (with Paul Weiss and K&L Gates, both also known for patent lawsuits, among the top 5) were by far and away the top "industry" supporting him. Then there was Amgen, a biotech company, a type of business that in terms of the patents-to-products ratio is similarly situated as the Gore-Tex company. Pharma is the top three industry supporting him. Lobbyists are fifth on the list.

Prior to this post, I had mentioned Coons only once: back in July 2012. But I had noticed on different occasions that the then-freshman senator took very extreme pro-patentee positions. He appeared to be highly motivated (by whatever or whomever) to promote a pro-troll agenda, but others were more influential at the time. He's now approaching the end of his second term (the first full term), and has positioned himself as the stalwart of making patents stronger at the expense of companies that create highly multifunctional products.

Delaware's nickname is The First State, but it's also a tiny state, though a great place for registering companies. Compared to the size of the local economy, patent litigation is a significant business there. Last year, IP Watchdog reported that "patent litigation shifts towards Delaware." It's like the East Coast equivalent of the Eastern District of Texas, and Coons presumably seeks to incentivize patent litigation because the local economy of a dwarf state like his significantly benefits from travel by patent litigators and more jobs at local litigation firms. The state is so small that its district court could fund a substantial part of its operations just by collecting pro hac vice fees from lawyers coming there from other districts to assert or defend against patents.

Coons is still what they would call a backbencher in the UK, so while I follow U.S. politics very closely (far more closely than the politics of any other country), one doesn't hear about him too often. On the few occasions his positions on non-patent policy items made news, I typically disagreed with him, but I've researched his voting records and statements and, contrary to his youthful sin of calling himself a bearded Marxist, he actually tries very hard to position himself as a centrist on some issues, though he's most accurately labeled a "liberal populist" (according to OnTheIssues.org). Interestingly, he's now facing an attack from the far left with a view to next year's Democratic primaries as he gets blamed for not having opposed certain judges nominated by the Trump Administration. Those ultraliberals aren't satisfied with his efforts to delay and derail the Gorsuch and Kavanaugh nominations (which he tried very hard), and even his assertion that Justice Gorsuch occupied a "stolen seat" isn't sufficient for their taste. They wanted him to be radically opposed to anybody President Trump would nominate. While I don't agree with those guys, from a patent policy point of view I wish them luck.

One huge problem in the patent policy context (though I hope the MONGER bill is still going to die) is that Coons has a style and certain views that give him great access to Republican colleagues. He does reach out across the aisle, though his anti-wall collusion with McCain means nothing, as the Arizona senator even betrayed his own electorate on Obamacare because he had only one goal in his final years: to oppose President Trump, who had offended him not only by what he said (by the way, McCain was ranked 894th out of 899--or fifth from the bottom in a group of almost 1,000 people--when he graduated from the Naval Academy) but even more so by winning with a politically-incorrect campaigning style that McCain mistakenly rejected when he had the chance. But many other Republicans respect Coons for his leadership role in a Capitol Hill prayer group. There are indications that he's well-liked by a number of Republicans, not all of whom are RINOs, and fellow Democrats probably don't view him as an exceedingly electable rival for higher office.

So they let him advance a patent policy agenda that amounts to pandering to the law firms among his donors, the family business W.L. Gore, similarly-situated patent holders, lobbyists, and to promoting his thumbnail state's economic interest in patent litigation, especially since it's not easy for Delaware-registered companies to get a troll case moved out of that district.

His centrist reach-out-across-the-aisle initiatives largely appear to be like the joint anti-wall effort with McCain: people who don't understand the issues may be misled to believe that they're a compromise, when in reality they don't solve the problem they purport to tackle. The MONGER bill is very much like that, and hopefully other Democrats, but especially the Republican Senate majority, won't be fooled. Again, Senator Tillis's reservations are excellent news for innovation and economic growth.

Coons's rhetoric at the hearing came down to platitudes like Miles's Law ("where you stand depends on where you sit") and the desire to appear as an open-minded moderator of different views, but a leopard can't change its spots and Looney Coons is the best friends patent trolls have had in the United States Senate in years.

No matter how level-headed he may pretend to be, the terrible nature of his patent policy proposals in and of itself justifies calling him Looney Coons. A 1985 article that he wrote for The Amherst Student raises serious concerns over his reasonableness and, generally, his judgment: Chris Coons: The Making Of A Bearded Marxist" (in order to distance himself from that self-attached label, he now stresses he's a fiscal conservative, and the record in his county actually does support that claim)

It's about how his African experience made him switch allegiance from the GOP to the Democratic Party. While my Trumpian views are well-documented, there are Democrats whom I consider reasonable and with whom I agree on some issues--even with Bernie, who every once in a while raises a valid point or at least asks questions that nobody else asks though they warrant further thought. So the problem is not that Coons found himself in agreement with Democrats on more important issues than with Republicans.

Looney Coons wrote that he "spent the spring of [his] junior year in Africa on the St. Lawrence Kenya Study Program" even though his "friends, family and professors all advised against it." He simply felt an urge to "see the Third World for [himself] to get some perspective," and in Kenya he "saw [...] poverty and oppression more naked than any in America, and [he] studied under a bright and eloquent Marxist professor at the University of Nairobi." While he wrote that he was still "thankful for [America's, and I guess also the Gore-Tex family's) wealth and freedom," he "questioned Amherst, and America." It sounds like he somehow felt guilty for his better fortune, which would be stupid but looks like a plausible explanation.

The question here is judgment. He's just one of countless people from the Northern Hemisphere who feel attracted to impoverished countries, be it in Africa (even my otorhinolaryngologist spent some time at an Ethiopian hospital) or Hispanoamerica. But while I respect people's choice to do that, and know that some of them may nevertheless become successful entrepreneurs I'd be happy to do business with or great lawyers I'd be happy to hire in a non-ideological context, I don't want people like that to hold political office because there's a very high risk that they'll then impose such irrational choices on everyone else.

That kind of decision just doesn't make sense if one preserves a healthy degree of selfishness--which is why everyone told Coons not to go there. If you want to see a different part of the world, there's plenty of safer, healthier and more prosperous choices than a place like Kenya. Presumably the facts were similar at the time Coons went there: at this stage, more than 140 (!) countries in the world have a higher per-capita GDP than Kenya (according to Wikipedia), and 115 (!) countries are safer. Why would an American student, from an ultra-high-net-worth family, possibly go there instead of, say, Oxford (as Bill Clinton did), or maybe France, Japan, China. And if he wanted to be indoctrinated with Marxist propaganda, Moscow at the time would have been one of the safest cities in the world.

It was an irrational choice because he irresponsibly prioritized one goal over other valid considerations. A social justice warrior who at some point decided to be too good for his own good. If it's only about his own good, let him do that. If he had never returned, we'd never have heard about it. But a decision like that is, in my opinion, a symptom of a partial derangement. Human beings aren't computers, and it's not rational to be 100% rational; we don't operate exclusively on the basis of economic considerations and game theory. But it is irrational to take huge risks for no good reason. Without the slightest need. And it's also crazy to see problems in a far-away part of the world and to feel bad about having a better life.

Looney Coons wants weak patents--patents that the USPTO grants after an average of only approximately 20 hours of net examination time, large parts of which have nothing to do with prior art searches--to survive even challenges that have merit. And not just to survive, but to succeed in court or, with injunctions being very likely if he got his way, to be used by trolls and their lawyers to extort companies that make real products. Whether he does this for W.L. Gore, some pharma companies, the litigation firms and lobbyists among his top donors, for the local Delaware economy, or simply because he's irrationally obsessed with an idea of "STRONGER" patents that makes as little sense as his decision to go to Kenya and to blame America for Africa's problems, he doesn't deserve any support. The MONGER stuff should never even go to a vote. We'll talk about the dangerous substance of that proposal next time.

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Saturday, March 30, 2019

Days of automatic German patent injunctions may be numbered: key meeting in Federal Ministry of Justice on May 20

In the post-eBay v. MercExchange era, patent holders seeking rapid injunctive relief basically have two choices: the USITC (provided that the accused products are imported into the U.S. and that the domestic industry requirement can be met) and Germany. And China is becoming more and more popular as a venue.

As a cross-jurisdictional patent litigation watcher I can tell that injunctive relief is what attracts plaintiffs to Germany more than anything else. That's why they tend to play the lottery: they assert a bunch of patents, most of which tend to be weak, just in hopes of securing an injunction that allows them to settle an entire dispute on their preferred terms. Until the Court of Justice of the EU handed down its Huawei v. ZTE opinion, it was hard to avoid injunctive relief in Germany even over standard-essential patents (SEPs).

This may change, and I'm one of those who hope it will. Last week I attended a really great conference entitled "Enforcing Patents Smoothly--From Automatic Injunctions to Proportionate Remedies" that was organized and hosted by the Friedrich Alexander University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, where academics, practitioners, and a Mannheim judge (Presiding Judge Dr. Peter Tochtermann) discussed this subject. I wish to thank Professor Franz Hofmann for chairing this conference, and the ip2innovate industry body for supporting it. It clearly exceeded my expectations. At that conference I learned about a legislative initiative in Germany that appears to be in its embryonic stages.

Meanwhile I've obtained official confirmation from the Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection of Germany that an "expert talk" will take place on May 20, 2019, for the stated purpose of preparing a legislative initiative in the area of intellectual property policy. Industyr groups, academics and judges will discuss one of the potential elements of said initiative: a potential reform of the legal framework governing patent injunctions, particularly in connection with SEPs and, more generally, complex products.

All of the presentations at the Erlangen conference were great, and most of them would actually deserve to be discussed in greater detail, which I may do at a different point in time. What I do wish to share here is the impression that those advocating a more eBay-like approach in Germany, which would require some proportionality principle to be enshrined in statutory law, likely have far more political clout than those opposing it. And they have EU law on their side: the IP enforcement directive comes with a proportionality paragraph, just that Germany transposed it into national law only in connection with other types of intellectual property rights than patents.

It's not just "Big Tech" from America or Asia that's interested in this. There are major German players such as the country's automotive sector (not just car makers but also their component suppliers) and telcos such as Deutsche Telekom. They're tired of facing the threat of disruption from the enforcement of injunctive relief all the time.

While Judge Dr. Tochtermann and his law professor wife both believe the status quo should remain unchanged, and companies like Qualcomm (not among the speakers, but actively asked questions) or Nokia have a vested interest in it, there simply are examples of situations in which a patent covering a minor feature of a complex product could be enforced with enormously disruptive effects for purely logistical reasons that are unrelated to the inventive step the patent is meant to protect.

Professor Christian Osterrieth, one of the name partners of the Reimann Osterrieth Köhler Haft (ROKH) firm that is now part of Hoyng Rokh Monegier, explained how eye-opening it was for him to see a case in which a single patent covering a secondary aspect of a technology could have had disruptive impact on Germany's highway toll collection system. The way Professor Osterrieth described the problem was reminiscent of Justice Kennedy's famous and influential eBay concurrence.

Professor Hofmann made a more theoretical argument for greater flexibility. Professor Thomas Cotter (University of Minnesota, and author of the Comparative Patent Remedies blog that I've recommended on various occasions) focused on the economics of patent injunctions. Simply put, injunctive relief creates a situation in which the parties will negotiate a price, and a court-determined ongoing royalty would be another, so the key question is which approach results in a more reasonable valuation. It's about avoiding overcompensation as well as undercompensation.

In my observation as a patent litigation analyst, there's a particular concern that overcompensation results from the early enforcement of injunctive relief over patents that are invalid as granted, but it takes longer for the nullity proceeding before the Federal Patent Court of Germany to unfold (the so-called "enforcement gap"). In this regard, Judge Dr. Tochtermann said something very encouraging. He told us about his experience from a temporary clerkship at the Federal Court of Justice. That's not to be confused for a straight-out-of-law-school clerkship like in the U.S.; Judge Dr. Tochtermann was a (side) judge on the Mannheim Regional Court by the time he went to the Federal Court of Justice for a few years. He said it really changed his perspective to see the outcome of patent invalidation proceedings at the highest court in the land that hears such cases, and since then he's actually more receptive to motions to stay cases pending the outcome of a parallel invalidation action than he used to be. In fact, Judge Dr. Tochtermann would like all other German patent judges to go through that instructive experience.

I'll attend another conference with a largely overlapping focus on April 4 and 5, entitled "Injunctions and Flexibility in Patent Law -- Civil Law and Common Law Perspectives," at the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich. The debate will continue, and various stakeholders are gearing up for the Federal Ministry of Justice meeting on May 20. It's too early to be sure, but I think reform advocates are likely to have the upper hand. They have economic reason and logic on their side, and a proportionality-centric approach to injunctive relief would benefit Germany's major industrial companies.

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Wednesday, December 16, 2015

Federal Circuit denies injunction rehearing: will Apple v. Samsung become the next eBay v. MercExchange?

By sharply disagreeing with the majority of the panel ("This is not a close case."), Federal Circuit Chief Judge Sharon Prost practically invited Samsung to file a petition for a rehearing on Apple's injunction appeal. Samsung indeed filed the petition and received some impressive support from industry, NGOs, and academia. I actually thought a rehearing en banc (full-court review) was fairly likely to be granted, but no: today the notoriously patentee-friendly Federal Circuit merely modified its opinion slightly and denied a rehearing en banc.

The modification now establishes the following rule:

"Apple did [...] show that 'a patented feature is one of several features that cause consumers to make their purchasing decisions.' [...] We conclude that this factor weighs in favor of granting Apple's injunction."

The Federal Circuit has withdrawn the original decision and replaced it with the modified one (which also includes an amended dissent). Here's how Chief Judge Prost criticizes this modification:

"Perhaps recognizing its error, the majority reissued its opinion in this case to remove the implication that even an insignificant connection might be enough to satisfy the causal nexus requirement. While this change is a more accurate reflection of our law, it does not obviate the central problem with the majority's conclusion in this case. As we stated in Apple III, '[t]he question becomes one of degree, to be evaluated by the district court.' [...] Here, the district court weighed the evidence and found it lacking."

The amazing part here is "even an insignificant connection." This is just so inconsistent (of the panel majority, not of Chief Judge Prost) with the Supreme Court's eBay v. MercExchange ruling. Just like Chief Judge Prost's original dissent invited Samsung to request a rehearing, today's modified opinion--especially with the modified dissent--is almost a cert petition (request for Supreme Court review) in and of itself.

Just the day before yesterday, Samsung filed a petition for writ of certiorari in connection with design patents (on a couple of closely related issues on which Chief Judge Prost agrees with Apple, while she still believes Apple simply has no case for an injunction). Could today's denial of a rehearing lead to the next cert petition? I don't know what Samsung plans to do, but I hope that it will give it a try.

I don't think there's been a similarly splendid opportunity for the Supreme Court to provide some clarifications again on patent injunctions since eBay v. MercExchange. One might even argue that the Supreme Court's great work on eBay would have been in vain if the Federal Circuit's Apple v. Samsung ruling was allowed to stand.

Presumably it's not an easy decision for Samsung to ask the Supreme Court for help twice in a short time frame and in connection with the same dispute (though these are two different cases, one of which was filed about a year before the other).

The organizations and individuals who supported Samsung's petition for a rehearing with amicus curiae briefs would likely be interested in a cert petition, given the enormous importance of the issue. And at that stage, some others might also be prepared to chime in.

The first informal amicus curiae brief in support of a petition for writ of certiorari already exists: Chief Judge Prost's dissent.

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