Harufu ya Urais Ilianzia Kahama

Harufu ya Urais ilianzia Kahama

HADI saa nne za asubuhi ya Oktoba 26 mwaka huu, mgombea wa ya urais wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Dk. John Magufuli, alikuwa anatumia ?mifumo na muundo wa kiprotokali? ya chama hicho tawala.

Lakini mfumo huo wa kiprotokali ulibadilika ghafla wakati msafara wake ulipowasili mjini Kahama, mkoani Shinyanga, ukitokea wilayani Chato ambako mgombea huyo alikwenda kupiga kura yake Oktoba 25, Jumapili iliyopita.

Kwa kawaida wakati wa kampeni Dk. Magufuli alitumia gari la CCM na wakati wote alikaa kiti cha mbele na kuhudumiwa kiulinzi na maofisa wa CCM wakisadiwa pia na maofisa protokali wa chama hicho.

Dk. Magufuli na timu yake ya kampeni waliamua kutumia usafiri wa barabara kurudi jijini Dar es Salaam akitokea Chato badala ya usafiri wa ndege uliozoeleka kwa viongozi wengi wa Tanzania.

Msafara huo uliwasili Kahama majira ya nne asubuhi na kusimama katika hoteli moja iliyoko pembezoni mwa barabara kuu ya Kahama-Shinyanga, kwa lengo la ?kuchimba? dawa.

Baada ya mapumziko hayo mafupi yaliyochukua dakika 10 hivi Raia Mwema lilishuhudia maofisa wa CCM na wale wa Idara ya Usalama wakijadiliana na kabla msafara kuendelea, Dk. Magufuli alibadilishiwa gari na ?kukalishwa? kiti cha nyuma, hali iliyoashiria kuwa kuna mabadiliko katika mfumo wa kiprotokali.

Aidha mfumo wa kuendesha magari ulibadilika, kwa tahadhari huku gari la mgombea huyo likiwekwa kati na kuhakikisha kuwa hakuna gari au kitu chochote kitakachohatarisha usalama wake na ule wa msafara mzima.

Wakati viongozi wa mikoa husika ambako msafara ulipita kuanzia Geita, Shinyanga, Tabora na Singida, walitokeza kumpokea wakiongozwa na makamanda wa polisi wa mikoa hiyo.

Moja wa maofisa wa juu wa CCM aliliambia Raia Mwema kuwa wamefikia uamuzi wa kubadilisha mfumo huo na kumkabidhi Dk. Magufuli kwa timu maalumu ya maofisa wa Idara ya Usalama wa Taifa, baada ya kupokea maelekezo kutoka ngazi juu.

Tumepokea maelekezo kutoka juu tubadilishe utaratibu na sisi ni wajibu kutekeleza amri,alieleza ofisa huyo bila ya kufafanua zaidi.

Kuna kila dalili kuwa kwa taarifa za matokeo ya awali, ushindi kwa CCM unanukia na tumeongoza katika baadhi ya mikoa na majimbo hivyo jukumu la ulinzi sasa tunaliacha kwa timu maalumu ya watu wa Idara,? alieleza ofisa mwingine.

Msafara wa Dk. Magufuli ulipumzika juzi, Jumatatu, mjini Dodoma na uliendelea na safari ya kurudi Dar es Salaam kwa njia hiyo hiyo ya barabara, kusubiri matokeo ya mwisho ya uchaguzi huo wa kihistoria nchini.


CHANZO - RAIA MWEMA

Jihadi John na Uhusiano wake na Tanzania

Kumbe Usalama wa Taifia walimgundua Jihadi John mpaema. Walimzuia kuingia Tanzania kwa ajili ya Safari ya kutembelea mbuga za wanyama. Walisema nia yake ilikuwa kwenda kujinga na Al Shabab Somalia. Jihadi John ameua mateka wa kizungu na kiJapani kadhaa huko Syria kwa kuwakata vichwa (Beheading). Jihadi John kumbe ni msomi na anatoa kwenye familia enye uwezo.


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   LONDON (AP) - The unmasking of Islamic State militant "Jihadi John" as a Londoner who had repeatedly been questioned by security services sent shock waves through Britain Friday, with Prime Minister David Cameron stepping in to defend British spy craft.

   Cameron tried to defuse criticism of Britain's intelligence community, which had "Jihadi John" on its list of potential terror suspects for years but was unable to prevent him from traveling to Syria, where he has played a prominent role in grisly beheading videos.

   Cameron did not mention "Jihadi John" or refer to his real identity: Mohammed Emwazi, a Kuwait-born computer science graduate raised and educated in Britain. But he said the country's spies make "incredibly difficult judgments" daily about how to pursue threats to national security and have broken up plots that would have caused immense damage.

   Emwazi had been known to the British intelligence services since at least 2009, initially in connection with investigations into terrorism in Somalia.

   David Anderson, who is in charge of reviewing Britain's terrorism legislation, said intelligence agencies may have dropped the ball, but faced a big challenge to identify real threats from "hundreds, probably thousands" of suspects.

   "Perhaps they did slip up in this case but one won't know until there's been an inquiry or a report of some kind," he told the BBC.

Mohammed Emwazi aka Jihadi John

   The case has some parallels to that of two al-Qaida-inspired extremists who murdered a British soldier in a London street in May 2013. A report by lawmakers concluded that delays and other failings by the agencies had contributed to that tragedy.

   However, it is not clear what laws could have been used to prevent Emwazi from leaving Britain at the time, since he had not been charged with any terrorist-related offenses. It is not known if police or security services had any evidence he was planning to join extremists in Syria.

   His identification as the front man in IS murder videos has raised questions about how a soccer-playing London youngster who liked smart clothes became one of the world's most wanted men.

   Authorities were working to piece together the path to radicalization of Emwazi, who came to Britain from Kuwait as a small child and attended state schools in London before studying computer science at the University of Westminster.

   Court documents from 2011 obtained by the BBC list Emwazi as part of a network of west London men suspected by MI5 of sending funds, equipment and recruits to al-Shabab militants in Somalia. The group included Bilail al-Berjawi, a Lebanese-British militant who was killed in a U.S. drone strike in Somalia in January 2012.

   Emails that Emwazi sent to a Muslim advocacy group reveal a young man increasingly frustrated by the attentions of British spies and angry at the plight of Muslims around the world.

   Emwazi approached the group, CAGE, after he and two friends were arrested and deported on a trip to Tanzania in August 2009. They said they were going on a post-university safari. But Emwazi said he was grilled by a British intelligence officer who accused him of trying to travel to Somalia to link up with terrorists there.

   He said the agent, who identified himself as Nick, suggested Emwazi "work for us" before saying "life will be harder for you" if he did not cooperate.

   It is clear that Emwazi was unnerved after his unwanted interrogation.

   "He knew everything about me; where I lived, what I did, the people I hanged around with," he wrote in one of the emails that CAGE made public Thursday. "He even said that he would try to visit me. But I refused and told him that I did not want him to pay me a visit."

   The following year Emwazi accused British agents of preventing him from going to Kuwait, where he had a job and planned to marry. He wrote in one email that his "`life' is kind of on a `pause."'

   Like many British Muslims who have become radicalized in recent years, he seemed to feel that Muslims were increasingly under attack in many parts of the world and complained to CAGE of the plight of his fellow believers in Chechnya, Iraq and elsewhere.

   CAGE said that Emwazi even changed his name in a bid to escape the attentions of the security services, but still was barred from going to Kuwait. His family reported him missing early in 2013. Four months later, police told them Emwazi was in Syria, CAGE said.

   He appeared in a video released in August showing the slaying of American journalist James Foley, denouncing the West before the killing. A man with similar stature and voice was also featured in videos of the IS killings of American journalist Steven Sotloff, Britons David Haines and Alan Hemming, and U.S. aid worker Abdul-Rahman Kassig.

   Foley's parents in Arizona on Thursday expressed surprise that "Jihadi John" was an educated man who had real prospects in life.

   "So he, in a sense, had a privileged upbringing, so to me that makes that even more sad that he'd want to use his gifts for such evil and such hatred. It's very frightening to me," Diane Foley said.

   "We need to forgive him for not having a clue what he was doing," she said.

   The widow of Haines, a British aid worker, said Friday she would like to see "Jihadi John" captured and put on trial.

   Dragana Haines told The Associated Press in a phone interview from her home in Croatia that "I really hope he will be caught, I think it would be a good lesson for all."

   Haines, whose husband was killed in September, said she would rather see Emwazi judged in a court of law than killed by enemy action.

   "People of his kind believe that death in combat is an honor, something special," she said.

   In the modest west London neighborhood where Emwazi's family lived, citizens were shocked after his identify was revealed.

   Sharaft Ullah, who worships at the Harrow Road Mosque near the family home, remembered Emwazi as a strict Muslim who prayed several times a day. He said Emwazi was "a very good local guy and polite with everybody."

   "I feel angry because he was educated in this country and he graduated from Westminster," Ullah said. "If he has been doing these things it's wrong."

   Another mosque that Emwazi was reported to have attended, the Greenwich Islamic Centre, said it had no knowledge of him.

Aliyemtukana Rais Kenyatta wa Kenya Kwenye Mtandao Ahukumiwa Kifungo cha Miaka Miwili!

Oh hoo! Nyie mnaotukana viongozi wa nchi mtakamatwa tu! Mnaona yaliyompata, kijana Alan Wadi Okengo (25) wa Kenya?   Kwenye mtandao alikuwa anajiita Luteni Wadi, alidhani Usalama wa taifa wa Kenya hawamjui. Loh!  Hamjui kuwa kila ukiingia kwenye mtando unaacha alama zako!  Walimkamata alivyokuwa anajaribu kutoka Kenya, huenda alikuwa anaelekea Bongo. Tukaneni tu, na siku wakiwapania mtakiona cha mtema kuni, kama alivyokiona Lt. Wadi.  Wadi alikuwa ni mwanafunzi wa mwaka wa nne katika Chuo Kikuu cha Moi.  Sasa anakwenda kuwa mke wa mtu huko gerezani.

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Alan Wadi Okengo aka Lieutenant Wadi

KUTOKA DAILY NATION:

By RICHARD MUNGUTI

A fourth-year university student will spend two years in jail for posting on social media unprintable insults against President Uhuru Kenyatta.

Alan Wadi Okengo, alias Lieutenant Wadi, was accused of posting the messages on his Facebook account on December 18 and 19 at an unknown place within Kenya.

Wadi, 25, a political science student at Moi University, was arrested as he attempted to sneak out of the country through the Busia border on December 31.

He was brought back to Nairobi CID headquarters where he was interrogated by cybercrime police sleuths.

Wadi, who looked composed, told Milimani Law Courts resident magistrate Ms Ann Kaguru that he was ready to “apologise to President Kenyatta personally if he was not handed down a custodial sentence.”

The charge against the university student stated that “the message he sent was calculated to to bring into contempt the lawful authority of the President of the Republic of Kenya.”

PLEA NOT FACTORED

His plea was not factored when he was he was being sentenced after pleading guilty to two charges of hate speech and demeaning authority of a public officer, contrary to Section 132 of the Penal Code.

In her ruling, Ms Kaguru said , “the offence is serious and a deterrent penalty is called for to serve as a warning to others abusing the social media forums.”

She proceeded to pronounce the sentence after saying that “he was convicted on his own plea of guilty.”

A state counsel, Mathew Karori, told the magistrate that the accused was arrested while he was about to cross the border through “panya routes” (unofficial exit) to a neighbouring country.”

Mr Karori urged the court to treat the remorseful student as a first offender although he said the abuse of the social media forum should be discouraged.

Wadi was accused of posting the two offensive messages when National Assembly passed the Security Laws (Amendment) Act No 19 of 2014 on December 18 and the following day when President Kenyatta signed the Bill to become law last year.

The first indictment was that he posted a hate speech message intended to stir up ethnic hatred between various Kenyan communities on the other by alleging a particular tribe should be deported to their home county.

Bomb Explosions in Nairobi Today Kill 10 , Dozens Injured!

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) - Two bombs killed 10 people and wounded 70 others Friday, tossing bodies into the air at a market in Kenya's capital, while hundreds of British tourists were evacuated from the coastal resort of Mombasa after warnings of an impending attack by Islamic extremists.

   The U.S. ambassador has requested additional security and is reducing the number of people stationed at the embassy in Nairobi amid an increase in threats.

   No group claimed responsibility for the blasts, which went off minutes apart in the Gikomba market near downtown Nairobi.

   President Uhuru Kenyatta, appearing at a previously planned news conference shortly after the bombings, offered his condolences.

   But he dismissed the tourism warnings from the U.S. and Britain that led to the evacuations, saying that terrorism is a common problem and not unique to Kenya.

   As ambulances and security forces responded to the market bombing, witnesses described a chaotic scene.

   "I heard the first blast, then another one," said Gikomba market trader Judy Njeri, who described crouching and crawling on hands and knees after the explosions that wounded some of her colleagues.

   "I saw bodies being tossed in the air," she added. "The whole place was thrown into darkness and a lot of dust."

   Police Chief Benson Kibue announced the casualty figures.

   U.S. National Security Council spokeswoman Caitlin Hayden condemned the bombing as "the latest in a series of cowardly attacks on innocent civilians in Kenya, from the capital to the coast."

   Security concerns are high in Kenya because of its proximity to Somalia and the al-Qaida-linked group, al-Shabab, which operates there. In September, four al-Shabab gunmen attacked the upscale Westgate Mall in Nairobi, killing at least 67 people.

   On Thursday and Friday, TUI Travel, which owns the British tourism companies Thomson and First Choice, evacuated customers and canceled all flights to the coastal city of Mombasa until October. The British government had urged its citizens to leave Mombasa and nearby beach towns.

   The U.S. and Britain were among several nations renewing warnings of possible terrorist attacks.

   Earlier this week, the U.S. warned for the first time that its embassy itself is taking new steps to increase security "due to recent threat information regarding the international community in Kenya."

   On Friday, Ambassador Robert Godec sent a letter to his staff, saying he has requested assistance from the Kenyan police and State Department. Godec said additional police are patrolling the embassy vicinity and that more assets will arrive from Washington next week.

   The embassy is also reducing its staffing numbers.

   "Unfortunately, the security situation in Kenya, especially in Nairobi and Mombasa, continues to worsen. Since the tragic events of Westgate in September 2013, the number of attacks, threats, and warnings is deeply concerning," Godec said, referring to the assault on the mall.

   More than 100 people have been killed in shootings, grenade attacks and small bombings in Kenya in the past 18 months, the U.S. Embassy said. Kenyan authorities, with the help of the FBI, recently discovered a huge car bomb that could have caused a lot of damage.

   Al-Qaida detonated a massive bomb by the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi in 1998, killing more than 200 people.

   The U.S. Embassy's security posture has increased in recent days. Marines now patrol the embassy grounds in bulletproof vests and helmets. Emergency drills tell embassy staff: "Duck and cover, duck and cover."

   "We know from experience whether it's been in Yemen where embassies have been attacked or in Benghazi where our consulate and ambassador was attacked, anything that is a symbol of a foreign country is a potential target," said Scott Gration, a former U.S. ambassador here.

   As for the evacuations, many travel companies have insurance policies that don't allow tourists to be in high-risk locations, noted Gration, a retired U.S. Air Force major general who runs a technology and investment consultancy in Nairobi.

   Some of the tourists boarding a flight home at Mombasa airport expressed disappointment with the travel company's decision to evacuate them, saying they had felt safe in Mombasa.

   "We believe we're safe here where we are in Kenya," said Dave Moor of England. "Everyone has been really friendly, non-threatening. We've had no worries at all, you know, and we're just so upset that you wait all year for your holiday and you've got three days and they send you home without any real reason."

   Stefan Arraw of Peterborough, England, called it "a lot of overreaction."

   Kenyatta said the warnings strengthen the will of terrorists.

   Kenya sees a big drop in tourism activity - a major money-maker - whenever such alerts are issued. Kenyatta said the government would install 2,000 security cameras in Nairobi and Mombasa to help combat terrorism.

   Gration said Kenya's coast is a beautiful and mostly safe location.

   "My belief is that everywhere there are issues and we all need to be prudent in when we go and where we go," Gration said. "So I don't travel at night, avoid big crowds and lock my doors. Whether you are in Newark, New Jersey, or Nairobi, Kenya, we can all fall victim to crime or terrorism."

Jinsi Wapinzani Walivyoteswa Enzi za Mwalimu Nyerere

Wadau, hapo zamani za kale, ukiwa mpizani wa Chama Kimoja, Ujamaa, Serikali, basi unakamatwa, unafunikwa macho, unaingizwa kwenye gari na kuzungunshwa, una minywa mapumbu au maziwa hadi useme. Usalama wa Taifa walikuwa wakali, maana kila kona moja alikuwepo. Nafahamu wengi waliokamatwa. Wengine walikuwa wanafunzi wa UDSM.

Someni Mkasa wa Ludovick S. Mwijage, utashangaa majina yaliotajwa huko!

L-R Sam Nujoma (Nambia), Kenneth Kaunda (Zambia), Samora Machel (Mozambique) Mwalimu Nyerere (Tanzania), Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe) &  ?

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TO READ MR. MWIJAGE's FULL STORY CLICK HERE:   http://zanzinet.org/files/darkside.txt

BELOW IS AN EXCERPT:

Having no baggage to claim, I proceeded through customs at Matsapha

airport, Swaziland, without delays, thanks largely to holding a

Commonwealth passport. I did not require a visa and had no cause to

explain my situation to Swazi officials. I proceeded to Mbabane, the

capital, taking a ride with an Eritrean UN official who had collected

a relation from the same flight.


By the time I arrived in Mbabane it was late afternoon, and I noted that

the following day was a public holiday. Finding accommodation was my main

concern as I wandered aimlessly along Allister Miller Street, Mbabane's

main road. As I passed Jabula Inn, a main road hotel, a lean man who

looked to be in his late fifties or early sixties emerged. Apparently

he had detached himself from a group of people he was conferring with

in the hotel foyer. He wore a fez hat and was far too dark to be Swazi

(most Swazis are light in complexion).


His right hand held a set of joined beads which he counted quickly and

repeatedly, as if he was meditating or praying although he continued

to talk with people as he did this. He gesticulated and looked at me

as if he recognised me. I returned the look, thinking I recognised him

from somewhere. We exchanged glances and it occurred to me that I knew

the man, but I couldn't recall from where.


He made the first move, greeting me in Swahili. I returned his greeting,

surging forward to shake his hand. There was no doubt the man I had

just greeted was the renowned Nairobi-based Tanzanian astrologer, Sheikh

Yahya Hussein. Now I remembered seeing his pictures in newspapers almost

every day, advertising his trade, although I could never work out how

he recognised someone like me he had never seen before.


Hussein invited me to his room, cutting through a long queue of people who

had come to consult him. He was, as he frequently told the Swazi press,

a prophet, faith-healer, palm-reader and fortune-teller, not merely an

astrologer who could determine the influence of the planets on human

affairs. He even told the local media that King Hussein of Jordan was

one of his clients, and he provided them with a photograph of him shaking

hands with the monarch. This, of course, generated more business for him.


Hussein led me into his room with quick, short strides, nodding at

people in the queue. He was booked in Room 1 at Jabula Inn and had a

room-within-a-room inside his quarters. This provided him with the space

he needed: one room for consultancy, the other for his private sleeping

quarters.


He invited me into his private room; it seemed there was someone else

in the consultation room. A beautiful woman, about half Hussein's age,

sat on the unkept bed, seemingly vegetating. She held a can of Castle

Beer which seemed empty. Hussein talked briefly to the man in the other

room, then joined us.


Africans generally respect elders as sages of infinite wisdom. Hussein's

professional standing and the trust others confided in him encouraged

me to tell all. Moreover, he had the title of sheikh, which, with its

spiritual overtones, projected a sense of moral purity and authority. To

my surprise, he knew quite a bit about my situation.


Before I had finished my story Hussein telephoned the receptionist

and asked her to come to his room. A tall, well-built woman with big

eyes arrived and Hussein instructed her to give me a room for several

nights at his expense. She agreed, but said the vacant room had to

be tidied up. As we waited Hussein asked me to place my paper bag,

which I still nursed on my lap, under his bed. He wanted me to go and

buy some articles for him. On my return I picked up my paper bag and,

being very tired, proceeded to the room Hussein had hired for me. It

was there that I realised that some items were missing: the telex from

Germany; the letter I had received from a friend, Amos Ole Chiwele,

a refugee recognised by the UN; and the cover of my air ticket.


I hastily returned to Hussein's room hoping to retrieve these items,

which I nevertheless doubted could have fallen out of the packet. A

thorough check under Hussein's bed revealed no trace of the missing

items. Hussein supervised as I searched the bed, all the time claiming

that nobody had touched my bag during my absence. I did not at any time

imply this might have occurred. The items had unfortunately disappeared,

rather mysteriously.


Swaziland granted me political asylum within weeks. But due to other

factors which I had overlooked in Kenya - Tanzanian troops were stationed

next door in Mozambique - the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees (UNHCR), in Mbabane, was working hard to find a country in

which I could be permanently settled. Indeed, on the day Cartridge and

I lunched together I had only one and a half months in which to leave

for resettlement in Canada.
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My diet consisted of boiled rice and fried fish; sometimes there was


simply no lunch or dinner because, as I was told later, there was a

food shortage in Mozambique. In the mornings I would get black tea with

a doughnut, sometimes nothing at all. Every morning for ten minutes I

was allowed out of my cell to pass water and wash my face; but washing

my face proved difficult with handcuffs. Lights blazed day and night,

their controllers oblivious to the lack of electricity elsewhere in

Mozambique. I felt as if I was in a grave, buried alive.


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This was the second time I had been in detention, the first going back

to August 1971 when I was a student teacher at Morogoro.

I was detained at Morogoro merely for expressing a political opinion. I

had been appointed editor-in-chief of Mhonda college's newsletter,

which, as it turned out, never got off the ground anyway. Basically, the

newsletter intended to reflect the thinking of the college community,

using articles from students and staff. But an English lecturer had

insisted that all articles be censored before publication. I strongly

disagreed, setting him and myself on a collision course.