Showing posts with label montreal police. Show all posts
Showing posts with label montreal police. Show all posts

Monday, September 13, 2010

Montreal Cops Sought Army Advice After 2008 Riots


File this under "not surprising, but important":

On October 30 and 31, 2008, Montreal's Assistance Chief of Police Pierre Brochet met with a Canadian Army commander to discuss working together. Mr. Brochet wanted to take advantage of the Army's experience on the ground in similar situations.

"Events such as those in Montreal-North, they push all emergency services to reexamine how they intervene. When things get out of hand like that, they teach police an enormous number of things, about how to be more effective next time," Sylvain Lemay, in charge of operational planning for the Montreal Police Department, explained to Ruefrontenac.com.

The "events" referred to, of course, are the night's rioting that followed the police murder of Fredy villanueva, a teenager from a working-class immigrant family in Montreal North. Not only was Villanueva murdered in a case of white police panic ("All these brown children, our lives were in danger!"), but two of his friends were also shot. Their crime? Playing dice in a park, and getting in the face of the cops who came to harass them, and who tried to arrest Fredy's older brother. The riots that evening were significant by Canadian standards, and one cop was shot (non-fatally).

Some bumper sticker i once saw said, "Life Isn't A Dress Rehearsal", and this is certainly true. The meaning being, act for real now, stop putting things off.

Can't argue with that.

But we also need to ponder cop Lemay's words, "how to be effective next time." The enemy and their lackeys know that there will always be a next time, not because they're nefariously evil (tho they are that too), but because they think institutionally, and historically. Every success like every failure provides an opportunity to learn, to draw lessons, to prepare to do better next time. In that sense, today is always a dress rehearsal for tomorrow, so learn your shit.

True for our side as well as theirs.



Saturday, July 17, 2010

Fredy Villanueva yelled "Stop! Stop! Stop!" before he was shot: witness


More testimony in the inquiry into the police murder of Fredy Villanueva in 2008 - Fredy was yelling "Stop!" as the police beat on his brother, and that's what was so threatening that they shot him - and two others - in Montreal's most famous case of white panic.


MONTREAL - As the bullets that killed Fredy Villanueva rang out from a Montreal police officer's service revolver, the 18-year-old was yelling "Stop! Stop! Stop!" - "many times" - and repeatedly bringing both hands from his thighs to above his head, an eyewitness to the young man's mortal wounding in a Montreal North parking lot testified Friday morning.

Villanueva was leaning slightly forward and was never closer to Constable Jean-Loup Lapointe than "two arm's lengths, more or less," when Lapointe discharged his weapon, Gerardo Escobar testified.

The young man's knees buckled to the ground and he "folded over," Escobar added, leaning his left shoulder down and slightly forward to illustrate.

Fredy Villanueva had never touched the officer before Lapointe opened fire, he testified.

"It was very fast.... Paf, paf, paf, paf," Escobar testified, describing the rapid-fire sequence of shots after Villanueva had approached Lapointe with gestures used in Latino and Haitian circles to signal 'time-out' or 'cool it.'

Moments before Fredy Villanueva intervened, Escobar testified, Lapointe had pushed Dany Villanueva, Fredy's older brother, face down onto the hood of Lapointe's patrol car - eliciting a "Boom!" sound, Escobar told coroner André Perreault.

"His (Dany Villanueva's) head hit first," atop the cruiser's engine compartment, Escobar added.

Then, Escobar testified, in Spanish through a translator, Lapointe took Dany Villanueva, who was moving his arms and upper body, around Dany Villanueva's upper chest or neck with his left arm.

"Using his feet," Escobar said, Lapointe tripped Dany Villanueva and rotated him to the ground.

Dany Villanueva's head also hit the asphalt first that time, Escobar testified.

Seated in the witness stand, Escobar leaned forward and slapped the top of his head, illustrating for the coroner the initial point of impact of Dany Villanueva's head on the parking-lot pavement.

With Dany Villanueva stretched out on the ground, face-up and struggling, according to Escobar, and with Lapointe "on top of him," Fredy Villanueva stepped forward, yelling and gesturing, from a group that had been watching the encounter.

Escobar was describing the rapid and fatal sequence of events under direct examination by François Daviault, chief counsel for the coroner's inquest.

Did Fredy Villanueva at any time touch Lapointe, Daviault asked the witness.

"No," Escobar responded.

"Did he have anything in his hands?"

"He had nothing," Escobar answered.

Escobar testified that he had been playing soccer on the early-August Saturday night almost two years ago, around 7 p.m., with several young adults and children when he stopped to observe the police intervention.

He also said that "I was fired" from his job after Sûreté du Québec investigators "came to my workplace," picked him up, took him to his home and took a witness statement from him.

After "many, many" police cars converged on the scene, but before any ambulances arrived, "police jumped over the fence," Escobar testified, "yelling 'Move away!'

"They were very aggressive."

"I started to walk (away) slowly and he (a police officer) pushed me, told me to hurry up."

Escobar responded to the officer as follows, he testified:

"I was here before you" on the scene. "And there's a kid you killed. You are assassins!"

The officer responded by "shouting in my ear," Escobar said.

The death triggered rioting in the north-east section of the Montreal North borough,

"After the death of Fredy," Escobar told Daviault, "there were many provocations on the part of the police" in the neighbourhood.

He is to continue on the witness stand Friday afternoon.

janr@thegazette.canwest.com
© Copyright (c) The Montreal Gazette


For more on this case, see the Montreal Nord-Republik blog.



Wednesday, March 17, 2010

Expelling Undercovers from Montreal's Demonstration Against Police Brutality


undercovers jump and run at Monday's anti-cop demo

One of the most disheartening aspects of the 2009 March 15th Anti-Police Brutality demonstration in Montreal was the diffuse nature of resistance, so that people would do various things but even when undercover cops were identified in the crowd there was no capacity to eject them, or to unarrest comrades.

That's why the following video circulating on Youtube made me smile. The scene is Monday's demonstration, the 2010 March 15th Anti-Police protest - and what you see are a number of undercover cops identified, and expelled from the demo.

Watch. Learn. Apply.



Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Montreal's International Day Against Police Brutality, 2010


comrade throwing a firecracker at cops at yesterday's demo


From the McGill Tribune, a report on yesterday's march against police brutality in Montreal:


Police arrest 100 during March Against Police Brutality

Protestors, journalists detained for hours on STM buses

Matt Chesser | Published: 3/16/10

Protestors clashed with Montreal Police at a demonstration on Monday evening. Some launched fireworks at officers on horseback.
Media Credit: Adam Scotii, Alice Walker, Evelyne Bedard

Protestors clashed with Montreal Police at a demonstration on Monday evening. Some launched fireworks at officers on horseback.

The 14th annual March Against Police Brutality was declared unlawful shortly after beginning yesterday evening, as police used mass arrests to quell the demonstration in Montreal's Hochelaga-Maisonneuve neighbourhood.

The Montreal Police Department (SPVM) arrested 100 protestors. Seventeen were charged with criminal offences, while 83 were apprehended for violating municipal bylaws, detained for three to four hours, given a ticket, and then released at random locations across the city. Police began making mass arrests of protestors and journalists - for participating in an unlawful protest - around an hour after the march began.

"We declared the protest illegal after some protestors started shooting fireworks at police," said Sergeant Ian Lafrenière, media relations supervisor for the SPVM. "Two times, before any arrests were made, we read a statement in English and in French saying that the protest was illegal and that people had to leave."

The Montreal police would not confirm the number of officers deployed to manage the march, but there appeared to be well over 100. The SPVM also used at least a dozen undercover police officers who posed as protestors, wearing black scarves, goggles, and large winter jackets to conceal body armour. These officers made a number of individual arrests and were involved in a brief fight about 15 minutes into the march, when they were identified as undercover police officers by a group of demonstrators.

Unlike last year's march, in which protestors caused over $200,000 in property damage, demonstrators did little harm to the mostly residential area. Aside from tipping over mailboxes, dragging garbage cans into the street, and throwing paint, the only major incident occurred when protestors set a dumpster on fire on St. Germain Street.

"The outcome was generally a positive one," Lafrenière said. "No one was injured on either side, and the total amount of damage was not nearly as bad as it was last year. I would have preferred a peaceful protest, but that might be dreaming."

Protest declared unlawful

Approximately 900 people attended the march, which began just after 5:30 p.m. near the Pie-IX metro station at Olympic Stadium. The crowd made their way southeast on Boulevard Pie-IX and into a residential area along Ontario Street, though the marchers changed direction repeatedly, presumably in order to disorient police.

The Collective Opposed to Police Brutality, the Montreal group who planned the event, refused to inform the police of the protest route before the demonstration began. According to the SPVM, there are approximately 1,500 protests in Montreal every year, and the March Against Police Brutality is the only one in which organizers refuse to inform the police of their demonstration route beforehand.

"[Most protest groups] want to make sure that we close streets, and they want to make sure that no one gets injured," Lafrenière said. "This is the same problem we have every year [with the Collective], though. They don't want to share the route - they say that legally they don't have any obligation to do so."

Police declared the protest an unlawful assembly at 6:05 p.m. after demonstrators clashed with riot police at the corner of Ontario Street and Valois Avenue. Protestors threw paint bombs and food at officers with riot shields and shot fireworks at those on horseback. Riot police responded by shooting offenders with a paintball gun in an attempt to mark them for future arrest.

Moments later a similar confrontation occurred at Raymond-Prefontaine Park as police executed a pincer manoeuvre that split the protest into two groups. Police charged demonstrators from both ends of Hochelaga Street, scattering demonstrators into separate groups and leading many involved to abandon the protest.

Police began making mass arrests moments later, as the larger protest group headed up Prefontaine Street and clashed with officers who had blocked off the road near the Prefontaine metro station. Riot police charged the crowd after protestors hurled objects at them. The police then detained dozens of people on city buses.

Demonstrators invoke Villanueva

The march coincided with the International Day Against Police Brutality as well as a coroner's inquest into the fatal shooting of Fredy Villanueva by a Montreal police officer in August 2008. Protestors could be heard chanting "Lapointe, murderer" early in the march, in reference to the police officer who killed Villanueva.

"We need to take back our streets," said Sara, a protestor who declined to provide her last name. "[The police] get away with too much … [we need to] show them that they can't get away with whatever they want."

Others had less principled reasons for attending the event.

"I just want to see things get fucked up," said Renaud, a protestor who also declined to provide his last name. "Fuck the police."

Protestors began gathering around 4:45 p.m. and were supervised by at least 50 riot police. Many demonstrators carried signs with slogans such as "60 dead since 1987. Disarm the Montreal police." and "Justice and truth for all the victims."

According to the Montreal Gazette, police stopped metro service to the Pie-IX station on the city's green line around 5 p.m. in an attempt to delay the arrival of more protesters. At least four protestors were arrested as the march began when they were discovered to have the ingredients for a Molotov cocktail.



Monday, February 01, 2010

Confronting a Killer Cop: this Wednesday, February 3rd in Montreal

from The Jean-Loup Lapointe Welcoming Committee:

Wednesday, February 3, 2010
12:30pm-1pm
Palais de Justice de Montreal
corner of St-Laurent and St-Antoine

The Coalition Against Police Abuse and Repression is organizing a 30-minute gathering at 12:30pm sharp at the exit of Montreal's Court House (corner of St-Antoine and St-Laurent). Jean-Loup Lapointe, who shot four bullets at unarmed youth, killiing Fredy Villaneuva and severely injuring two other youths, will be testifying.

If you can, please attend the hearing in room 5,15 from 9:30am onwards. Please come with very few items in your pockets because you will be searched by the Court House security services. After the lunch break, the hearing will resume at 2pm.

The committee explains:

Jean-Loup Lapointe: Fredy’s executioner

Executioners still exist, but they’ve changed their appearance.

During the Middle Ages executioners did their dirty deeds in front of an impotent crowd. They didn’t decide who they would execute, or for what reasons, and that’s why we couldn’t hold them responsible for their death tolls. They also wore masks to hide their identities, and carried a weapon to protect them from the people. Their impunity was complete.

Today, it’s police officers that are modern-day executioners. They wear a blue uniform and carry guns – with bullets or electric shocks. They also enjoy impunity, but they don’t need a mask. They don’t need a judge either, nor a king or a Committee of Public Safety to decree the death penalty. No, these days it’s simple constables who’ve taken over. And with a bang, another death!

On August 9, 2008, Fredy Villaneuva, 18, was killed by Jean-Loup Lapointe’s bullets, but the courts prevent us from showing you the face of this killer cop. Jean-Loup doesn’t even need a mask to hide because the entire court machinery makes sure that the public won’t recognize him on the street and judge him at sight.

A cop that kills a youth and wounds two others by shooting at unarmed individuals should not escape justice. If a civilian had done the same thing, we all know that criminal charges would have been made without delay. What more needs to happen before the SQ decides to undertake a serious investigation, beginning with questioning the two officers involved? But the problem of police investigating police is a predictably incestuous investigation that always defends the interests of the executioners.

The impunity that Jean-Loup enjoys is double: there’s the decision to mask his physical identity that adds to the usual legal whitewash. It all confirms the power of the police to kill -- encouraged by the State that gives Jean-Loup all kinds of privileges. He’s given the right to carry his weapon everywhere, even off-duty. He gets expensive paid lawyers. He gets bodyguards during his public outings. The hangman Lapointe is overprotected, and at our cost.

Police officers have become street judges: they are both judges and executioners since they have the right to summarily kill a suspect. And so the death penalty, supposedly abolished, takes a new form, more arbitrary and insidious. It is hypocritical and protected by the police brotherhood and its long arm. These murders are normalized and the authorities are not ashamed to drag the reputations of the loved ones of the victims into the mud. Police violence is a reflection of social inequality and intolerance that is fed by creating fear in certain neighborhoods. It goes without saying that Jean-Loup would have been less quick to the trigger if he were intervening with young white youth near a tennis court in Outremont.

We refuse to be, once again, an impotent crowd in front of modern-day executioners who kill with impunity. On Wednesday, February 3, let’s welcome the witness Jean-Loup Lapointe who -- one year later -- will be questioned for the first time.



Saturday, March 14, 2009

Scare-Mongering Continues 1 Day Before Demo



One day before Montreal's annual demonstration against police brutality, the cops and media are pulling out all the stops to scare people away from tomorrow's protest, while at the same time conditioning public opinion and local journalists, prepping them to blame the protesters if the police do clamp down.

Newspaper articles today describe police going door-to-door along Mont Royal, the increasingly-gentrified street down the middle of the trendy Plateau Mont Royal where the march is set to begin, warning business-owners of the possibility of a riot, and scaring them with advice about removing objects from outside their stores that could be set on fire, used as weapons, or to thrown to break windows.

At the same time, Police Brotherhood boss Yves Francoeur was quoted saying that "These demonstrators don't need to be provoked; they're going to break everything, and one way or another there will be arrests; it happens every year."

COBP - the Colective Opposed to Police Brutality - has been a target of the police, and most specifically the Brotherhood, for years now. Its demonstrations are routinely surrounded with this kind of media hype, and it is true that more than once police swept in, engaging in mass arrests on March 15th - though this has not been the case for some years now. Indeed, while organizers refuse to police or "marshal" those who come to the annual protest, they ask protesters to not engage in violence, all the while acknowledging that their anger is justified.

As one COBP spokesperson said at a press conference yesterday, "There are people who come to this demonstration in order to express their anger, because they are given no other place to voice their complaints if they have been victimized by police violence."

This year, however, police seem to be priming for a fight, and preparing the media terrain so that it looks like its the protesters fault if they get attacked by the riot squad tomorrow. This is part of a general combatitiveness that the Brotherhood has shown over the past years, certainly in no way lessened by its ongoing contract dispute with the city. The Brotherhood has spoken up for the cops who killed Fredy Villanueva last summer, went to court to prevent a coroner's inquests into the deaths (at the cops' hands) of Mohamed Anas Bennis and Michel Berniquez, threatened local webmasters who have posted essays documenting police abuse, and much, much more.

In this context it is all the more important that people come out to tomorow's demonstration, to stand in solidarity with victims of police violence, and also with the activists of COBP who the cops and media are trying to intimidate.

Tomorrow, Sunday March 15th, at 2pm at metro Mont Royal: be there!



Friday, March 13, 2009

This March 15th in Montreal: Join the Demo Against Police Brutality



This Sunday is the 13th annual demonstration against police brutality in Montreal, within the framework of the International Day Against Police Brutality.

The demonstration is called for Sunday, March 15th at 2pm, at metro Mont Royal.


As always, there is a fear of police violence, or mass arrests, at the March 15th demo.

Over the past year the police have repeatedly singled out COBP in the media, for instance prior to demonstrations around the Villanueva murder last summer, when newspapers pointed to COBP's involvement in the campaign as an indication that demonstrations might evolve into riots. More recently, during the debates around the anti-mask bylaw the Police Brotherhood is trying to get passed in Montreal, COBP was once again singled out, as the Brotherhood argued that masked protesters at the March 15th demos routinely engage in violence.

& now, during the week leading up to this year's demo, the police and media have been putting the fear campaign into gear. Police spokespeople made a show of taking the Brotherhood to court this week, trying to get an injunction obliging the cops to wear regular pig uniforms at the demo this Sunday (the porcine union has been having the cops dress in battle fatigues as pressure tactics in its negotiations with the city). But the pseudo-court case was really just an opportunity to explain that this demo was liable to be "more violent than ever" due to anger over the Villanueva killing.

In the face of this scare mongering, it is more important than ever to stand with COBP, and to attend this weekend's demonstration. See you there.

What follows is COBP's callout for the demo:

“As police officers, repression is our job. We don’t need a community relations officer for a director, we need a general. Let’s keep in mind that the police force is, after all, a paramilitary body.”
Yves Francoeur, President of the Montreal Police Brotherhood

DEMONSTRATION: SUNDAY, MARCH 15th, 2PM
Metro Mont-Royal
Organised by the Collective Opposed to Police Brutality (COBP)
Rest of the text:

CALLOUT FOR MARCH 15th, 2009: 13th ANNUAL INTERNATIONAL DAY AGAINST POLICE BRUTALITY

“As police officers, repression is our job. We don’t need a community relations officer for a director, we need a general. Let’s keep in mind that the police force is, after all, a paramilitary body.”
Yves Francoeur, President of the Montreal Police Brotherhood

*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
DEMONSTRATION: SUNDAY, MARCH 15th, 2PM
Metro Mont-Royal
Organised by the Collective Opposed to Police Brutality (COBP)
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*

The Montreal police (SPVM) is in an uproar. With the current cases against them looking as loaded as their guns, these guardians of the civil tranquility have a bad case of frayed nerves. Their bargaining tactics as they negotiate the renewal of their collective labor agreement have allowed us a glimpse of their true nature: they now parade around town in military apparel, sending a very clear message to the people of Montreal. The police are keeping a finger on the trigger, and are willing to fight for their right to keep it there.
And how could we forget the events of August 9th, 2008. Early in the evening, while playing dice at a park with his brother and some friends, 18 year old Fredy Villanueva was shot dead at point-blank range by Constable Jean-Loup Lapointe, as his accomplice, Stéphanie Pilotte, looked on. Not satisfied with having shot and killed one young man, Lapointe went on to wound two of the other youth present, shooting one of them in the back. It must be made perfectly clear that this was a murder and that Constable Lapointe should be considered a murderer and must absolutely face criminal charges.

There have been many attempts to portray this as an isolated case, a rare fatality that does not put into question the integrity of the police. Cops, however, never act alone. It is the entirety of the police force and the policing institution itself which is to blame in these cases: Fredy Villanueva is the 43rd person killed by the SPVM since 1987. Not a single police officer has been found guilty of voluntary or involuntary manslaughter. Every single police officer involved in these cases resumed regular duties, which explains why one can still cross paths with a cop like Dominic Chartier. Constable Dominic Chartier killed Yvon Lafrance in 1989, was involved in Martin Suazo’s death in 1995, and has had six complaints filed against him with the police ethics committee. But these facts alone are not enough to warrant a dismissal from his position as weapons instructor for the SPVM.

The Montreal Police Brotherhood (FPPM), with their incomparably bizarre Yves Francoeur reigning supreme in the role of godfather, exists mainly to cover up the wrongdoings of its members, operating much like a crime family. It systematically attempts to sabotage the holding of public inquiries and has interfered with the crown prosecutors’ work on numerous occasions. Meanwhile, with the SPVM recently proposing a ban on protestors wearing masks at demonstrations, we may well ask why the SPVM do not do some unveiling of their own. If the cops are so afraid of public inquiries, it’s because they have something to hide. Thanks to the FPPM, the details of the 2005 police shooting of Mohamed Anas Bennis have still not been made public, and as they have time and again interfered in the holding of any kind of public investigation, this case remains unresolved.

The Brotherhood, along with the vast majority of police, has lately been more radical in its stances, most notably in its president’s own words as he declared that Officer Lapointe “…did his job well”. The police try to set an example in this time of social unrest. They try to play their repression off as being necessary for keeping things in their rightful place. To succeed in their mission, someone will eventually have to pay the price. The political powers that dictate the police’s actions know who to blame when it comes to protecting their own: “visible minorities” who are members of “street gangs” who live in a dangerous and “troubled” ghetto. This kind of racial and social profiling is a day to day reality in Montreal’s working class neighbourhoods. In St-Michel, and Montreal-North to name a few, if it’s not the color of your skin that brands you a criminal, it’s the clothes you wear. As of last year even the highly respected Quebec Human Rights Commission had declared the SPVM guilty of “discriminatory practices and profiling”. The youth of these neighbourhoods are being judged by incompetent hacks and yet it is they who are treated as such. There is also the discrimination experienced by the homeless, who are apparently guilty of not being able to keep a roof over their heads. Montreal police (who seem to not have much rattling around in their heads) seem to find it perfectly reasonable to burden homeless with tickets they cannot pay, thus criminalizing their misfortune.

The people pay the price for “Justice” when its armed goons go on the attack. Besides their possession of firearms and other tools of repression such as the baton and pepper spray, we are now introduced to a new weapon: the electroshock gun Taser. Responsible for the deaths of over 300 individuals in North-America alone, this weapon was most notable employed by the SPVM in the killing of Quilem Registre in 2007, and remains in use despite Minister of Public Security Jacques Dupuis having ordered an assessment of the weapon. Some of the Tasers in use emit a charge up to 50% higher than expected.

So who protects us from the police? Besides facing the possibility of death or imprisonment, we must also behave and learn to keep quiet to appease these hired guns. No name-calling, as the SPVM is pressuring the city to make it a crime to insult a police officer. One wrong word could soon cost you one more fine. It’s easy for anyone to grasp the fact that the new municipal regulations – anti-mask and anti-insult – suggested by the SPVM clearly target, as stated by their spokesperson Paul Chablo, two protests in particular: the International Workers Day protest on May 1st and the March 15th International Day Against Police Brutality. Besides being illogical and subject to interpretation, the two proposed regulations prove that there is a real danger of political profiling. We just have to look at the case of Benjamin Nottaway, Algonquin chief from Lac Barrière, imprisoned since last November for participating in a peaceful protest denouncing the government’s neo-colonial policies.

The only way to resolve these problems is to face their true causes. The poverty engendered by government reflects the wealth of the calmer, less populated rich neighbourhoods, where some even employ their own private security. Economic and social instability has consequences that are becoming clearer and clearer. Here and around the world, it is the same reasoning that keeps the system in place, and just as our police kill, so it is in every place where they take on the role of oppressors. Two recent events caught our attention; there was the murder of Alexandros Grigoropoulos in Greece, and that of Oscar Grant in Oakland, California, both at the hands of the forces of order. In both cases, just as we saw in Montreal-North, people took to the streets in revolt, at one point almost culminating in an insurrection in Greece. In the latter case, the two killer cops had criminal charges brought against them. This just goes to show that it is important to act in the face of injustice, that only a strong public outcry can really change things. The International Day Against Police Brutality is the perfect opportunity to show that we refuse to stand for police impunity and to show our opposition to the system that legitimizes their actions. It’s the fist step towards changing a world that has no future ahead of it if we allow passivity to rule.

Justice to all the victims of police brutality and impunity!

No justice, no peace!

-- Collective Opposed to Police Brutality (COBP)
http://cobp-mtl.ath.cx/



Monday, January 26, 2009

Montreal's Shit-Eating Pigs Have Thin Skin

If the Montreal Police Brotherhood get their way, reading the title of this post aloud may become a ticketable offense in Montreal.

At least, that's what today's news portends. It would seem that the Brotherhood is planning to get a bylaw passed that will allow police to fine people who insult them. Who defines what is insulting, and what contexts this law will be applied it, remain to be seen.

"La police au service des riches et des fascistes" is certainly in the running. [A popular Montreal slogan at Montreal demos: "the police work for the rich and the fascists."]

This latest move by the Brotherhood comes on the heels of the new anti-mask law, which we all learned about for the first time a week ago, and which is set to be passed by the City Council tonight. The anti-mask law will make it a ticketable offense to wear a mask at a demonstration - though the police have magnaminously allowed that it would not be imposed on people wearing face coverings for religious reasons or to protect themselves against the weather.

Only against those of is who might dare to protect ourselves aand our friends from the police.

The Montreal Police Brotherhood - the cops' union - is, like most police unions, an aggressive opponent of oppressed people and the left. Indeed, it is an oppressor in its own right. The Brotherhood's officials routinely speak up in support of killer cops in the media, and often take things further - for instance they are set to appear in court this week to demand a halt to a coroner's inquiry into the 2005 police killing of Mohamed Anas Bennis. That's right: Quebec's Chief Coroner is to be gagged, told that she is not allowed to investigate this police killing. (Court solidarity and a demo against this attempt at censorship is scheduled this Thursday: see here!)

Think this is just hubris on their part, and unlikely to work? Think again: last year a similar coroner's inquest was successfully put on ice by the Brotherhood, using similar legal bullying tactics. In 2003 Michel Berniquez was arrested by a pack of six cops, he had his head slammed into the pavement, and was held face down on the ground for half an hour. Later that night, while in lock-up, he died. While this information came out in an initial coroner's report, a more fullblown inquiry which was planned was blocked by the Police Brotherhood's court action last June.

So why these recent moves by the Brotherhood?

Well partly, it's just doing what it is "supposed to" do - defending the police, who themselves are charged with defending this rotten capitalist order.

But partly the latest moves to invent bylaws to criminalize traditional protest culture - masks, insults - as well as the City Council's seeming willingness to rubber stamp these new rules - should perhaps be seen in light of the new cycle of struggle which we hope to see emerge from capitalism's latest crisis.

The recession is already swelling the ranks of the discontented. Not just sections of the unionized labor aristocracy who are being pushed down, but more importantly the working class, including most especially in Montreal the immigrant working class which already reminded folks of its potential in the rebellion following Fredy Villanueva's murder last summer.

While in the united states a lot of this discontent may be chanelled into support for the "progressive Obama administration" - at least for fifteen minutes or so - there is no similar carrot being waved here in Quebec, where a (neo-)Liberal provincial government rules alongside the Conservative federal one.

i think it's well likely that the Police Brotherhood's latest moves amount to their upping the ante before we can, giving themselves some of the tools they will need to clamp down on what might be promising times ahead.

& remember: other cops in other cities will be watching, and if they succeed in doing this here, they'll be sure to do it elsewhere too...



Friday, October 10, 2008

[NOII] 12 Reasons to take to the streets of Montreal-Nord this Saturday

The following excellent text is from the No One Is Illegal Montreal blog:

This coming Saturday at 2pm at Parc Pilon in Montreal-Nord, a diverse cross-section of Montreal groups and individuals are coming together to denounce police brutality as part of a child-friendly demonstration. This is a crucial protest for all those who oppose poverty, racism and police brutality, as well as support autonomous, grassroots organizing for real justice and dignity.

It comes just two months after the killing of Fredy Villaneuva in Montreal-Nord, one year after the tasering death of Quilem Registre in St-Michel, and more than two years after the unexplained shooting death of Anas Bennis in Côte-des-neiges. It comes in a context where 43 people have been killed by the bullets or electric shocks of the Montreal police in just 21 years.

There are three main demands for this Saturday’s demonstration: 1) a public and independent inquiry into the death of Fredy Villaneuva; 2) an end to racial profiling and to police abuses and impunity; 3) the recognition of the principle that as long as there is economic inequality there will be social insecurity.

Below are 12 more reasons to get out and demonstrate this Saturday. Please post and forward widely, and do make a final effort TODAY (Friday) to encourage your networks and contacts to attend this Saturday.

Police partout, justice nulle part! No justice, no peace!


12 Reasons to take to the streets of Montréal-Nord this Saturday

1) Breaking down fear and isolation; 2) Oppose "divide and rule" – Part 1; 3) Oppose police investigating other police; 4) Oppose police attempts to shut down public transparency; 5) Oppose police and media smears of police killing victims; 6) The 43 Reasons; 7) The Montreal-Nord riots were justified; 8) Accommodate This!; 9) Oppose "divide and rule" – Part 2: 10) Oppose sellout "community" gatekeepers: 11) Support grassroots community organizing; 12) For People Power



1) Breaking down fear and isolation

It's not easy to confront police brutality and impunity. The police have tremendous power, as the armed force of the state. Individuals experience police abuses, brutality, and racial profiling on a daily basis, but are often too afraid to speak out. When we do speak out, we lack the resources to effectively take on the cops and government, and are marginalized by both mainstream groups as well as government-paid community hacks. This Saturday's demonstration is one clear way that we can all, collectively, come together to break down the fear and isolation we so often feel, and instead stand united behind clear demands for justice.


2) Oppose "divide and rule" – Part 1

This past Thursday's cover story in Le Journal -- "Les Agitateurs s'en mêlent" -- is a transparent attempt by the police and their media allies to create divisions between the diverse groups that have come together to denounce police brutality. The police and government officials fear the emerging unity between grassroots, on-the-ground social justice groups and movements that have converged in support of the clear and powerful demands of this Saturday's demonstration. Let's show the hacks at Le Journal, and their cop friends, that we refuse to be divided.


3) Oppose police investigating other police

Mayor Tremblay and all kinds of other politicians and so-called community leaders have constantly urged the public to refrain from judgment in the killing of Fredy Villanueva until the "investigation" has been completed. But, all the so-called investigations into police killings involve one squad of police investigating another. We are now supposed to trust the Surête de Québec (SQ) to fairly investigate the Montreal police. This is the same SQ that has it own corrupt and deceitful past and present – from the "Matticks Affair" where police officers were involved in illegal activities, to the recent Montebello protests where SQ officers acted as agent-provocateurs and tried to lie about it afterwards. Most recently, this past Monday, the SQ riot squad attacked members of the Lac Barrière Algonquin Community, using tear gas and pepper spray even against children. There is a mafia-like "brotherhood" between cops that prevents them from ever honestly bringing any of their members to true justice, and gives them an incentive to cover-up each other’s abuses.


4) Oppose police attempts to shut down public transparency

When there are quasi-independent inquiries into police killings, the cops try to shut them down. More than two years after the police killing of Anas Bennis, and after a long public campaign led by the Bennis family, a corner's inquest was called to investigate the reasons for Anas' death. However, as they've done in other cases, the Fraternité des policiers et policières de Montréal have gone to court and sued the coroner and the Bennis family themselves, to try to shut the inquiry down. The police and their expensive lawyers have consistently tried to shut down even the most modest efforts at accountability.


5) Oppose police and media smears of police killing victims

Recently, the lawyer for Montreal police officer Giovanni Stante, who was involved in the killing of homeless man Jean-Pierre Lizotte in 1999, wrote in both the Montreal Gazette and La Presse, claiming that Lizotte was not a victim of police brutality, and proceeding to smear Jean-Pierre Lizotte's reputation. Lizotte is not around defend himself, but that doesn't stop cop lawyers (and the media) from smearing the people killed by the cops. Innuendo and rumours have been used against other victims of police brutality. This Saturday's demonstration is occasion to stand in solidarity with, and give voice to, all those who have been shot down and smeared by the cops.


6) The 43 Reasons

Anthony Griffin, Jose Carlos Garcia, Yvon Lafrance, Leslie Presley, Paul McKinnon, Jorge Chavarria-Reyes, Fabien Quienty, Yvan Dugas, Marcellus François, Armand Fernandez, Osmond Fletcher, Trevor Kelly, Yvon Asselin, Richard Barnabé, Paolo Romanelli, Martin Suazo, Philippe Ferraro, Nelson Perreault, Daniel Bélair, Michel Mathurin, Richard Whaley, Yvan Fond-Rouge, Jean-Pierre Lizotte, Luc Aubert, Sébastien McNicoll, Michael Kibbe, Michel Morin, Michel Berniquez, Rohan Wilson, Benoît Richer, Mohamed Anas Bennis, Quilem Registre, Fredy Villaneuva ... and 10 more individuals, women and men, whose names remain unknown. Together, they represent the 43 people killed by the Montreal cops in the last 21 years. Saturday's march is for all victims and survivors of police brutality.


7) The Montreal-Nord riots were justified

This Saturday's demonstration is child-friendly. It will allow for all kinds of folks to come together in opposition to police brutality. But, that does not mean we should shy away from defending the justified community uprising that took place in the aftermath of Fredy Villaneuva's death in August. Politicians and media have worked overtime to attempt to divide "good" protesters (the community gatekeepers who stay docile and harmless) from the "bad" protesters" (those who are willing to take direct action). Saturday's demonstration is one way to clearly show solidarity with Montreal-Nord, including the riots that were a justified expression of our collective anger and rage against police brutality.


8) Accommodate This!

During the xenophobic "debates" around reasonable accommodation in Quebec, immigrants were essentially being asked to justify their presence in Quebec. A Montreal cop even recorded a song – played on youtube – telling people from minority groups to "crisser vos camps" and "retournez chez toi". The reasonable accommodation debate clouded and confused the unity and solidarity we share -- as workers, poor, women, queer and trans people, migrants, and others -- fighting together to achieve real justice. It distracted from our unity together in confronting poverty, precarity, racism and racial profiling. This Saturday's protest is another occasion to tell the xenophobic and racist elements of Quebec society – most embodied by the cops – to accommodate this! (ie. "go fuck yourselves").


9) Oppose "divide and rule" – Part 2

As part of their divide and rule tactics, the cops have also been visiting community organizations, asking about their involvement in the demonstration this coming Saturday. Many community groups have taken a clear stance against police abuses, and the police response has been to intimidate behind the scenes, as well as to start a whispering campaign to denounce so-called radical protesters. We must refuse these police tactics to marginalize the groups and individuals that have taken principled stances against police impunity.


10) Oppose sellout "community" gatekeepers

Various levels of government provide substantial money to so-called "community" organizations to provide basic services. One of the primary "services" of these groups is to act as "gatekeepers" preventing and sabotaging grassroots organizing for justice. The so-called "tables de concertation" in various neighborhoods (funded by the City of Montreal), or fake coalitions like "Solidarité Montreal-Nord" (also set-up by the City) basically exist to dilute clear demands that speak to the reality of our communities. These gatekeepers refuse to clearly denounce racism, racial profiling and police brutality, and have taken on a prominent role after the death of Fredy Villaneuva, by denouncing "violence" without ever clearly denouncing police violence. They are groups comfortable marching with politicians like Marcel Parent, Gerard Tremblay and Denis Coderre. These groups are basically breeding grounds for the politicians from all political parties that will go on to screw us over in other ways. This Saturday's demonstration is beyond the grasp of the compliant gatekeepers, which is why it annoys the cops and government so much. Let's annoy them even more with a huge turnout!


11) Support grassroots community organizing

In contrast to the fake community organizations (who are paid by government money) and their politician friends, diverse individuals and groups have engaged in autonomous, grassroots organizing, based on demands that come from our lived realities in poor and marginalized communities. This kind of organizing is not easy. We lack resources, and it's hard to find time to mobilize with our day-to-day grind for survival. But still, various on-the-ground networks, most notably Montréal-Nord Républik and Mères et Grandmères pour la vie et la justice, have courageously spoken out clearly and openly against police impunity.


12) For People Power

Our real power lies in our ability to unify, to break through fear and isolation, to name our enemy, and to confront it, united in our principles for social justice and dignity. This Saturday's protest is truly autonomous, beyond the sway of government-paid community hacks and politicians. It responds to the demands we know and feel daily. This Saturday's protest is one model for how we should continue to organize together, within our communities, and united between communities. Ce n'est qu'un début ...


written and distributed by jbswire@gmail.com
traduction par patcad. merci sofia. a guru collaboration



Tuesday, August 26, 2008

[ZNet] No Justice, No Peace: Behind the riots in Montreal after the shooting-death of Fredy Villanueva

The following summary of the problem of police violence in Montreal which led up to August's riots in Montreal North is by Charles Mostoller and from ZNet:

Montreal-Nord, Montreal--"Why four gunshots? Why?", asked Patricia Villanueva. "I don't believe they had reason to shoot four times, just like that. Nothing justifies a death." Patricia is sister to Fredy Villanueva, an 18 year old Honduran youth who was shot dead by a Montreal police officer on August 9th, sparking a small riot among the fed-up youth of this impoverished immigrant neighborhood in North Montreal.

Villanueva is the latest death in a long line of police killings here in Montreal, although the first to occur in this North Montreal neighborhood.

According to police, two officers approached a group of youths who were playing dice in a park, and attempted to arrest Dany Villanueva, Fredy's brother. When an argument broke out, one officer fired four shots, killing Fredy and injuring Denis Meas and Jeffrey Sagor Metelus, who are recovering in the hospital. Police have stated that the officers were attacked by a group of about 20 youths, despite statements from witnesses who say that only five or six people were present and that there was no physical confrontation.

"My brother said 'What are you doing with my brother? Let go of him.' Then I heard gunshots, and my brother fell to the ground," said Dany, according to the CBC. According to statements by the Villanueva family, Dany has had some trouble with the law in the past, but Fredy was the 'good' son, doing well in school and staying away from drugs and trouble.

Jean Loup Lapointe--the Service de Police de la Ville de Montreal (SPVM) officer from Montreal-Nord's Station 39 who fatally wounded Villanueva--has not been suspended, although he has been taken off patrol duty.

Although over 30 witnesses have already been questioned in relation to Villanueva's death, the two police officers responsible for his death have yet to be questioned. His sister wants to know why.

"It's so important to have a transparent investigation, to know what really happened," she said. "But they haven't taken the police officers' testimony yet. What are they waiting for?" Despite the slow course of the internal police investigation, the Villanueva family hopes that Fredy's death will finally make police on the island more responsible and less likely to resort to lethal force.

"We want this never to happen again," said Patricia, speaking after a press conference on Friday. "If it happens once, it can happen again, and it has happened before." The incident has sparked debate in the media and among politicians here, more over the supposed threat of street-gangs in the area than over the reckless use of force displayed by Montreal's finest--with many, including Prime Minister Stephen Harper, suggesting the need to beef-up the police units in the area to crack down on gangs. However, Francois du Canal, a spokesperson for the Coalition Against Police Brutality (COBP), believes that the most pressing issue in Montreal's poor neighborhoods is poverty, not gangs.

"They are treating everyone in the neighborhood like they are would-be gang members," he said. "There is poverty and a lot of social problems in neighborhoods like Montreal-Nord, but instead of dealing with poverty--like by giving money to community groups--they give millions of dollars to cops." Take a quick stroll through Montreal-Nord and this is immediately obvious. Local residents gather in front of the dilapidated housing buildings, while groups of five or six police officers patrol the sidewalks and teams of police cruisers line the corners. Many people feel intimidated by the heavy police presence, which has been a part of daily life since long before Villanueva's death.

"There are too many police here," said Kevin Garcia, a friend of the Villanueva family. "Caravans of 10 or 15 police cars will come into the neighborhood all of a sudden, and we feel very insecure, because it seems like anything can happen from one moment to the next. It makes us feel very intimidated to have so many police everywhere." "It seems like they are here to provoke things," he added. "They see a few young people, and even if there are little kids around, they approach them, trying to intimidate--or what are they looking for? They are provoking things, trying to take this to the next level." However, it is unlikely that Villanueva's killers will ever face justice, given the history of impunity for police officers in cases like this. Villanueva is the 43rd person to be killed by the Montreal Police in the last twenty years, yet only two police officers have ever faced charges for their actions--and were acquitted in both cases.

"They kill people, and they're not even accused of any misdoing," said Canal. "So they get away with it. That's what we call impunity, and because of it, they know they can kill people, so they just keep on acting like they can do whatever they want."

"They use harassment, intimidation and violence as tactics," he added, "and things like this happen, because the politicians are too afraid to control the police more. And they will continue to happen if nothing happens to these cops."

Surete du Quebec (SQ)--the Quebec provincial police who are leading the inquiry into Villanueva's death--have promised "an investigation with impartiality, rigor, objectivity and rapidity," according to SQ Lt. Francois Dore.

However, past investigations into fatal shooting by the Montreal Police suggest that we may never know what really happened on August 9th.

For example, in the case of Mohamed Anas Bennis--a youth killed in December of 2005 by a Montreal Police officer--the findings of the investigation into his death have still not been made public., two-and-a-half years later. Nor has the officer who killed Bennis, Yannick Bernier, been penalized.

"It's always the same story," said Canal. "The cops investigate themselves and there are no accusations, so we never really know what truly happened. The cops are not even suspended."

In 1996, former SQ investigator Gaëtan Rivest told the COBP that an investigation into the death of Yvon Lafrance--killed by police in 1989--had been tampered with in order to protect the officer responsible, Dominic Chartier. According to the COBP, Rivest confirmed "that such practices are common within the different police services in Quebec."

"So it really sends a message that the city and the government are backing the police," said Canal, "even if they say they think about the family and all that. But they really seem more upset that there was a riot than the fact that the cops killed an unarmed youth."

Communities like Montreal-Nord are fed up with the situation. The riot that happened the day after Villanueva's death was probably just a release of the neighborhood youth's pent-up anger, not an action organized by local 'street gangs'.

"The only street gang around here is the police," shouted Will Prosper, along with hundreds of other Montreal-Nord residents in front of the town's municipal building on Wedensday night.

Local residents had gathered in the parking lot in front of Mayor Marcel Parent's office, calling for an public investigation of Villanueva's death and an end to police repression in Montreal.

Shouting "No justice, no peace! Disarm the police!" and "Enquête public!", dozens of residents barged into a meeting the mayor was holding, and Prosper raucously called for the mayor himself to resign--for not trying to help lift Montreal-Nord out of poverty.

"I don't think he can lead Montreal-Nord correctly, because he's not listening to his people," said Prosper. "If he was listening to his people, maybe Fredy Villanueva would still be alive."

According to Prosper, unemployment among youths has skyrocketed under Mayor Parent , and police abuse has gone unchecked.

"These people want jobs, houses, families--and are tired of police harassment," he said. "If you don't give them some options, what are they going to do?"

Both Prosper and Canal feel that in a poor neighborhood like Montreal-Nord, the police just exacerbate the problem.

"The police are not here to help people, they're here to criminalize people and then they do things like killing people," said Canal. "This makes it so that everybody in the community feels alienated--like they are being unjustly treated--and that's one of the reasons why an explosion like the one we saw after the killing of Fredy Villanueva happened."

In the end, police brutality towards immigrants seems like a systemic problem in Montreal, and one that won't be going away soon. According to Prosper, minorities are twice as likely to be shot by police in Montreal, and poor immigrant neighborhoods like Montreal-Nord are overrun by police officers.

"They have a gang mentality," he said. "A lot of police are good officers, but they tolerate abuses by other police officers. How come they don't say anything about that? They ask the population to anonymously denounce criminals, but then they let criminals in their own ranks."

"If we could respect the police, the riot wouldn't have happened. But right now," he continued, "there's no trust, no respect. We know what happened that night, and that's why we want change."

The political response to police killings is to criminalize immigrant communities and victimize the police, sending in more police to fight against street gangs--in other words, young people. Until less money is spent on police in poor neighborhoods and more is spent on community programs, Canal explained, the vicious cycle that has led to so many deaths at the hands of police will probably continue.

"If they don't stop police brutality, and their answer to what happened is to put more police on the streets," said Canal, "then there's going to be more police brutality and more riots to come."



Friday, November 30, 2007

Anti-Racists Attacked by Police Outside "Reasonable Accomodation" Hearings in Montreal


On Tuesday night i was one of a hundred people who gathered on the ground floor at the Palais des Congres conference center to protest against the racist reasonable accommodation hearings being held there (on the third floor) that night.

(i would have posted about this earlier, but have been without internet for a number of days - i'm not actually posting from a public terminal right now)

The protest was organized by No One Is Illegal Montreal, and attracted people from a number of organizations and communities, including Solidarity Across Borders, the IWC, NEFAC, the PCR, and i'm sure many many others whose affiliations i did not get.

There were speeches, some more inspiring than others, some great poetry... and then we went up the escalators to the hearings, leaving some befuddled security guards behind (it's difficult for a half a dozen secuirty to stop a hundred people who want to go somewhere...)

We were up there for hours, more speeches, music, chanting, etc. At about 9pm, after our numbers had thinned, a group of people tried to actually enter the room where the hearings were happening. They were physically blocked by the security guards, and this time they failed to get through. (It's trickier to open a door towards you with security in front of it than it is to just walk up some stairs.)

At which point the cops, who had been lounging around, came to reinforce the conference center security. It was obvious that nobody was getting in to these supposedly "public" hearings, and so we left, at this point numbering perhaps fifty, walking down all those stairs to the ground floor with some now hyped up very young cops shoving people from behind, including people on the stairs who were trying to leave as quickly as was safely possible.

In my opinion, the reason the cops were being aggressive is because they felt stupid for having been caught sitting on their asses not noticing when folks tried to get in to the hearings. They were embarassed that the conference center security staff was left to "guard the gates" on their own, and they didn't like being called pigs by the demonstrators as they were leaving.

What happened next was a perfect symbol of the hearings, of "accomodation" in an unreasonably racist Quebec, and of plain old Montreal policing.

As everyone was milling around on the ground floor, surrounded by cops, it was announced that we all had to leave. It was obvious at this point that there was no point in resisting: there were many people there who could not afford to get arretsed, there were little children, and we were outnumbered.

So immediately, people started filing out of the building. The only reason for some delay was some people had to pick up their things, including a sound system. Nobody was staying behind or resisting, but the cops had already identified a few people they wanted to get, and they moved in to do so, grabbing folks, throwing them to the floor, all the while others charged at the remaining stragglers, shoving them with their batons.

This all happened less than one minute after it was announced that everyone had to leave. There was obviously no intention of allowing the demo to end peacefully.

Four people were arrested. Two inside the building, and two others outside as they waited there, loooking in through the windows at the police and their arrested comrades. Police pulled out their tasers and "shot" them in the air, and were obviously enjoying the fun.

This is reasonable accommodation. This is what it's all about. Hearings thoughout Quebec where the state legitimized the most crazy racist and anti-semitic conspiracy theories, thanking bigots as they make their submissions, making it clear that if nothing else, there is not thought of not accomodating racism.

When the hearings come to Montreal, it is no surprise that they get protested. It is no surprise that activists come out to denounce them.

Now, as i already mentioned i have no internet access. On top of that, i had ot go out of town, so i was not at the follow up demonstration scheduled for last night. i hope there were lots of people there, because it strikes me that the police made an error in attacking people. By marring the second Montreal hearings with arrests and gratuitous violence, there is an opportunity to rip a hole in the democratic mystification surrounding these hearings. Hopefully, this opportunity will be/has been capitalized on.

While today some people have difficulty denouncing the hearings, the idea of "no platform for racists" being less easy when the mass media and democratic politicians are the ones supporting this crap, in the future it will be of obvious importance how one responded to the fragmentation of (social-democratic, "sovereignist" sections of) the Quebec left and the consolidation of a racist political pole in 2007.

What follows is the rpeport from the No One Is Illegal blog:

At least 75 protesters gathered in the lobby of the Montreal Congress Center, before proceeding past security guards upstairs, near the hearing room. The protest was well heard inside by participants. After more than 90 minutes of protesting outside the hearing, at least 20 police officers entered to remove demonstrators. During the police attack, uniformed officers pushed and punched protesters, and used batons; several police had also drawn their taser guns. The protesters included small children, as well as elders, who were pushed.

-- Police attack and arrest anti-racist migrant justice protesters at Bouchard-Taylor Commission

-- Protest and speak-out against the commission to continue on Thursday

MEDIA REQUESTS: Contact Leila Pourtavaf at 514-994-4595

MONTREAL,
Wednesday, November 27, 2007 -- Last night, No One Is Illegal-Montreal and
allies began pickets and speak-outs against the Bouchard-Taylor Commission on
"reasonable accommodation".

A statement on the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, and the racist "reasonable
accommodation" debate, is available here
.

At least 75 protesters gathered in the lobby of the Montreal Congress Center, before proceeding past security guards upstairs, near the hearing room. The protest was well heard inside by the some 190 participants.

After more than 90 minutes of protesting outside the hearing, at least 20 police officers entered to remove demonstrators. The protesters proceeded back to the main lobby of the Congress Center, where security had earlier said the protest could continue unimpeded. But, after an eviction order, protesters began to leave. Without provocation, police targeted individuals for arrest.

During the police attack, uniformed officers pushed and punched protesters, and used batons; several police had also drawn their taser guns. The protesters included small children, as well as elders, who were pushed.

Ironically, one officer, who didn't have ID, identified himself as "Stante". When asked if he was Giovanni Stante, the officer said "yes". Giovanni Stante was implicated in the murder of Jean-Pierre Lizotte in 1999. More background info available here: http://www.ainfos.ca/02/aug/ainfos00058.html

During the speak-out outside the Commission, demonstrators addressed issues like poverty, police brutality, racism, immigration status and more, thru speeches, music and spoken word.

Photos and updates from the Commission pickets will be posted at http://nooneisillegal-montreal.blogspot.com

No One Is Illegal and allies refuse to be intimidated by police attacks, and will return to the Bouchard-Taylor Commission this Thursday for another picket and speak-out outside the commission. The protest will begin at 6:30pm at the Montreal Congress Center at the corner of Viger and de Bleury (near metro Place d'armes).

For more info:
No One Is Illegal-Montreal
514-848-7583 – noii-montreal@resist.ca
http://nooneisillegal-montreal.blogspot.com



Monday, September 10, 2007

Kabataang Montreal: Police brutality continues in Cote-des-Neiges; a 17 year old Filipino teenage girl experiences police brutality by Montreal police

From the Kabataang Montreal blog:

Police brutality continues in Cote-des-Neiges; a 17 year old Filipino teenage girl experiences police brutality by Montreal police officers

September 9, 2007

Montreal, Quebec –On August 24th, the latest complaint against Montreal police harassment in the Cote-des-Neiges area is against two police officers for manhandling a 17-year old Filipino teenage girl named Tina (not her real name).

According to Tina, the officers approached her and a friend and unfairly accused them of drinking alcohol. Despite their insistence and assertion that they did not consume alcohol, the police officers accused Tina of having an "attitude" and roughly grabbed her as she stood up to leave and handcuffed her. Meanwhile, they hurt her arm, forcibly pushed her face-down to the ground, and slammed a car door on her leg while she was shoved into a police vehicle.

“I asked the officers what I did wrong that caused such brutality from them. They didn’t respond to me, they just talked about me and laughed.” says Tina when she recalls that evening on August 24th. Immediately after the incident, Tina and her mother went to Cote-st-Luc Police Station 9 to file a complaint. “We were told by Station 9 that we could try but we would need a lot of money to get a good lawyer to win,” relates Tina’s mother.

Across Canada, the Filipino Canadian Youth Alliance has documented several cases of racial profiling and police brutality. Tina’s case is one of many cases in the Cote-des-Neiges area that have been reported to the Kabataang Montreal - Ugnayan ng Kabataang Pilipino sa Canada/Filipino-Canadian Youth Alliance (KM-UKPC/FCYA). Kabataang Montreal is a local Filipino youth organization that has been working on issues of racial profiling against Filipino youth since 2000, and part of a national alliance of Filipino youth organizations in Vancouver and Toronto who campaign against criminalization of Filipino youth, in particular newly-arrived Filipino youth who are the immigrant children of domestic workers.

KM-UKPC/FCYA and Tina’s family are demanding a public apology from the Montreal Police Department for the incident of August 24, 2007. KM-UKPC/FCYA has a long standing anti-racism campaign including an end to racial profiling and police brutality.

“One of the major factors leading to this is the oppressive immigration policies of the Canadian government, particularly the Filipino community’s experiences with the federal Live-In Caregiver Program (LCP)–a racist policy which relegates migrant workers (a majority of whom are Filipino professionals) to slave-like working conditions. Filipino youth encounter barriers within the education system such as classes d’accueil, live in the most ghettoized areas in Canada, and suffer racism on a daily basis including racial profiling. This undermines our genuine development and equality as a community in Canada.” states Neil Castro, member of Kabataang Montreal.

-30-

A press conference will be held at the Philippine Women's Centre of Quebec,
4180 du Courtrai, room #308, on Tuesday, September 11, 2007 at 10am.

Media Contact: Rodney Patricio (514) 991-7973 cell or (514) 678-3901 office



Friday, July 27, 2007

The Roots of Divers/Cite



It’s coming up that time of year again: Divers/Cite, Montreal’s “LBGTA” pride event.

As some know, but too many do not, Pride in Montreal takes place later than in most North American cities, commemorating as it does not Stonewall, but Sexgarage, an after-hours party that was subject to a violent police raid in 1990. A raid that was followed by a queer protest against police brutality which would itself then be violently attacked by the police

Or as party-goer – and photographer – Linda Hammond recalls:
On the evening of Saturday, July 14th, 1990, a party attended by over 400 people in the warehouse district of Old Montreal became the scene of a violent police attack on its patrons. The incident sparked a chain of events which changed the face of Montreal gay politics and greatly affected the lives of those involved. The party was called SEXGARAGE, and the incident became regarded as the Stonewall of Montreal.
(Rather than give a play by play of the party, i'll just direct you all to Hammond's site - an excellent historical document of Montreal police homophobia and brutality, full of pictures - you have to click on the images, including the entry ticket, to see the display.)

As i mentioned above, the violent police raid provoked a peaceful "love in" against police brutality... which was itself attacked by cops from Station 25 (which at that time was where the C.O. Sud is today), who of course showed their homo-sensitivity by putting on rubber gloves before the fun began.


Summer of 90: police glove up before beating queer protesters in front of Station 25

Forty four people were arrested, countless more hurt. As one self-identified "heterosexual onlooker" wrote in to a local entertainment paper after the attack:
I saw a policeman push a woman across her breasts with his riot stick. I saw a policeman jab a young man in the groin with his riot stick. I saw another officer wear a grin of joy, as he grabbed a young man by his belt, clearly inflicting pain... These people needed protection from the police!
(Letter to the Editor, Montreal Mirror July 26 - Aug 9 1990)
But this show of brutality was not really a show of strength, and if the hope had been to intimidate the new generation of queer activists... well let's just say it didn't...

Doesn't power always looks the same when it has lost? Looking back at police actions that summer, it is clear that there was no plan, there was no strategy, and there was no real question of the queer community not "winning", all that was needed was the will to win. And for once, that there certainly was. (As to how much more could have been won, that's another story...)

A few days after the "love in" was attacked by Station 25, hundreds marched through the streets. Again and again, the link was made between police violence against queers and the police killings of Black youth in Montreal, and the ongoing repression of the First Nations. This was not "single issue", this was not "single community", and in the minds of those who marched with their signs against homophobia and taunted cops with their boxes from dunkin donuts, this was not a parade.

Now the police did not attack, which in retrospect can be read as "the police backed down".

Then again, a week later, on Sunday July 29th it was not hundreds but thousands of queers and supporters who marched through downtown Montreal, in what has since been commemorated every year as "Divers/Cite".



Sunday July 30th, 1990: not a parade, it was a demonstration


In terms roughly like what i have just recounted, the "summer of 90" has been described before. It's a story that gets surprisingly little play from the official Divers/Cite organizers, but it's not unknown, or inaccessible, and there's usually an article in a local newspaper or two around this time of year filling people in on the colourful history. Which is good.

But it all gives rise to two questions.

The most obvious: what the fuck happened since? It's been a long time now that Divers/Cite has been a parade more akin to St-Patrick's Day than a demonstration against oppression or police brutality. Indeed, a few years ago parade organizers welcomed former police chief Duchesneau to march with them (he was "shot" with waterguns full of red dye by some radicals who remembered the police murders and brutality that had occurred on his watch), and then the organizers actually had the police intervene to throw out a tiny contingent of queer anarchists. Like other corporate tourtisty events, Divers/Cite is now an excuse for the police to clamp down on homeless kids and sex workers who might spoil the sanitized atmosphere... or as the organizers of this year's radical queer "Pervers/Cite" event put it, Divers/Cite has become "white, mainstream and corporate", a far cry from what it was when it began.

And of course: this is not a Montreal phenomenon, but one which spans North America, as "Pride" events are generally corporate events, with little connection to or input from radicals or the oppressed.

For the moment, i'm not going to delve into that question, though i certainly think it's a problem worth pondering. (For those interested in resisting this trend, i encourage you to attend the Pervers/Cite demonstration on Sunday: it's meant to highlight the politics and solidarity which are absent from the official celebrations, and as a demonstration wil attempt to join the parade... people are all to meet at de Lorimier and Ontario at 11:30am, we're leaving at noon sharp...)


But again, that question, the "selling out" of pride is not what i'm going to go on about.

What i do want to ask, as it is rarely if ever discussed, is why did people fight back in 1990?

As i mentioned above, the police had no "master plan", beating up gay kids was not a "strategic priority" so much as a fun pastime, and when push came to shove and people shoved back, and then shoved back some more, the cops quickly made nice. Their priority (not entirely unrelated to question-#1-which-i-shall-not-ponder!) at that point was getting a handle on the movement, identifying reasonable spokespeople (generally spokesmen) and "making sure this doesn't happen again". & by "this" different people certainly felt entitled to understand different things...

So what made 1990 different was not the police, or the powers that be. It was the hundreds of people who showed up at the "kiss in" at Station 25 just days after the first police attack of Sexgarage, and got beaten and arrested for their trouble. More importantly, it was the hundreds more who showed up to march through the streets just days later, despite the threat of violence. And the thousands a week after that.

Again with hindsight, one must wonder how much further things could have gone, had the envelope been pushed, had the tendencies towards solidarity been stronger... but i digress... and it certainly was better than what we generally see... my point is that all it took to win was the desire to win, and the willingness to fight back.

So again: why did people fight back in 1990?


Queer Crisis / Colonial Crisis: The Journal de Montreal July 17th 1990


Two factors coincided to allow people to fight back that July.

First, 1990 was the summer of the so-called "Oka Crisis". This is not the place to go into details, but in a nutshell, the Mohawk Nation (which holds territory around Montreal) was engaged in one of the most intense standoffs with Canadian colonialism in the 20th century. In Kanehsatake not an hour away, an entire community was resisting the State (the Canadian Army would be called in a month later). The Mercier bridge between Montreal and the south shore had been seized by warriors who, day after day, night after night, confronted racist mobs and police.

Racism was at a fever pitch in Montreal, and yet amongst those who identified - no matter how vicariously or unrealistically - with the Indigenous struggle against the State, it was a time of intense hope. As one comrade - who had been a politically active anarchist for years - confided in me, this was the first time he had ever seen the possibility of armed revolution in Canada.

It is important to keep this in mind, because i think it's really central to what felt possible at that point. There is a tendency, i know, to separate struggles, and to look with skepticism for attempts to harness the energies of one people's tradition to another people's benefit - a kind of "political appropriation" - and this makes sense because people do rip off other people's struggles, generally to the advantage of whomever is least oppressed. But that's not what i'm talking about here - rather, what i'm referring to is something organic, unorchestrated, and fundamentally healthy which occurs when people see others fighting back and come to understand that this is a possibility for them too.

Nor was this all on the level of the abstract or the sub-conscious - at the time too some people wondered at the timing. Linda Hammond suggests that one reason Montreal cops may have been in need of some "beat that dyke" excitement may have been their feelings of being left out, as they "couldn't get the Indians". After the Station 25 attack the Journal de Montreal ran a side-by-side spread of photos of the queer fightback and the Mohawk resistance (see above). Many of the same activists who were involved in organizing against the police attacks were also involved in organizing in support of the Mohawk Nation, days being divided between both campaigns as best they could. Statements against racism and in support of the Mohawk struggle were made at both the July 22nd and 29th demonstrations against police homophobia - and many were those queers who missed that historic demonstration on the 29th because we had trekked to the rally held that day just outside Oka against Canadian colonialism.

All of which should not be overstated. What i'm describing is not cause and effect, rather a very meaningful coincidence. And any honest observer has to note that the trajectories of the Mohawk Nation and canadian queers over the next seventeen years could not be more different, with the latter being promised acceptance as the court jesters of the hetero-patriarchy and the latter continuing to be buffeted by the kind of economic and political exclusion capitalism reserves for its internal colonies... but again, i digress..



Montreal Daily News, sometime that week in March '89


There is a second, more overt, set of events which also did their part to foment the initial queer fightback in 1990.

On March 19th 1989 a young gay man living with AIDS, Joe Rose, was murdered on a Montreal city bus. The details quickly circulated amongst his friends, and got picked up by the media:

According to his companion, when Rose tried to leave the bus at Frontenac Metro station, the group surrounded him.

"They pulled off his hat," he said.

"They were chanting 'faggot, faggot'."

Rose's lover, who asked to be identified as Daniel told the Daly News details of the grisly crime circulated quickly in the gay community.

"They were playing football with him," Daniel said.

"They were throwing him back and forth, knifing him in the abdomen. When they finished their business he [Rose] walked three steps and collapsed.

"While he was lying there in the fetal position the group moved in and kicked him. They kicked him at least 50 times."
(Montreal Daily News, March 21st 1989)

Rose had been working on getting a hospice opened for PWAs, and had been thinking of starting a PWA magazine. He and many of his friends were part of a continent-wide wave of queer activism around AIDS, and within days of his murder there was a quickly-organized rally in downtown Montreal, and that same week several dozen people met in the space above the anarchist Alternative Bookstore and founded Reaction Sida, the idea being that this group could both act against street violence and politically to bring attention to the ongoing AIDS calamity.

It was a coming together of many different people from many different scenes - feminist dykes and gay men, anglophones and francophones, mainly but not only quite young... most from Montreal, but some who would travel back and forth to New York City where they were already active with ACT UP. As well as more than a few anarchists, as in the late 80s queer and AIDS-related campaigns seemed the closest thing in many of our lives to a mass movement with radical politics.

Reaction Sida did not last long, but before it faded it got to tag along as AIDS Action Now, ACT UP New York and hundreds of AIDS activists from across the continent descended on Montreal for the Fifth International AIDS Conference which luck had happening in Montreal that summer. In many ways it was a perfect match: the out of town activists had knowledge, experience, and undeniable legitimacy as they had often built real fighting organizations in their own cities. What Reaction Sida lacked in AIDS-related experience it made up for in local legitimacy and contacts, and so (with the hiccups and clashes that are par for the course in such situations) the match was consummated... and the protests were incredibly empowering.



The 5th IAC: AIDS activist crash the party?
AIDS activists
are the party!

The International AIDS Conference was an event of the World Health Organization, and as you would expect was a top-down affair meant for professionals - doctors, politicians, researchers - with people living with AIDS and organizing around their illness hardly on the agenda. Indeed, the infamous $500 entrance fee was almost guaranteed to keep things that way.

From the beginning members of ACT UP, AAN and Reaction Sida took matters into their own hands. Storming the opening session, they confronted conference organizers with the choice of either calling the cops to arrest the demonstrators, or allowing them to stay. Calling the cops would have been a public relations disaster, and so the activists held the floor for an hour, chanting slogans and reading a ten point manifesto demanding an international code of rights for people infected with HIV, international standardisation of the criteria for approving drugs and treatments in order to speed up worldwide access to new therapies and guaranteed access to approved and experimental drugs and treatments and the right to confidential and anonymous testing for infection with HIV. The Mulroney government in particular was attacked for its lackadaisical approach towards the plague.

As one participant recalls:
I’ll never forget the sight of our ragtag group of 300 protesters brushing past the security guards in the lobby of the Palais de Congress, the fleet of “Silence=Death” posters gliding up the escalator to the opening ceremony or our chants thundering throughout the cavernous hall. There we were, the uninvited guests, taking our rightful place at the heart of the conference. And when PWA Tim McCaskell grabbed the microphone and “officially” opened the conference “on behalf of people with AIDS from Canada and around the world,” even the scientists stood and cheered.

But it was only when we refused to leave the auditorium and instead parked ourselves in the VIP section that the crowd realized that our action was more than just a symbolic protest. Despite threats and rumors of a potential “international incident,” we remained in our seats, alternately chanting and cheering, and giving notice that PWAs were “inside” the conference to stay. From that point on in the crisis, researchers would have to make extra room at the table for PWAs and their advocates.
(POZ, July 1998)

Indeed, conference organizers at first offered 200 free passes to PWAs, and then simply said that any self-identified PWA could attend for free. There was street theater, pointed interventions, and protests every day...

...in short, it was all a success, and a generation of Montreal queers felt that much more able to challenge the powers that be and win.

(That the "victory" at the IAC failed in any way to stem the overarching decline of the AIDS activist movement is, again, something we'll leave for another day.)


fun and games at the 5th International AIDS Conference

*******************

Finally, there was still a feminist movement in the late 1980s, and it retained a militant wing. Many of the leading activists in AIDS activist organizations - including Reaction Sida - were feminists and lesbians, and besides this there was a kind of "women's community" of struggle the likes of which has not been seen for some time. (i'm not in a position to comment on whether this was a good or a bad thing: many of the women involved in that scene were themselves harsh critics of what they described as the racism, transphobia, whore-bashing, and even sexphobia of their own movement. Yet obviously they themselves fought against these tendencies... my point being - and remember i observed this as a guy who was obviously not a part of it - it was their movement, and even in their criticisms they seemed to draw on lessons and strengths which came from their movement and its theoreticians.)

So i would also suggest that within this momentum of struggle which led to the decisive advances of 1990 there is a clear feminist trajectory. Already in the fall of '89 queers from Concordia's Women's Collective were holding kiss-ins to protest a local restaurant's lesbophobia. When Marc Lepine entered the University of Montreal engineering department on December 6th and killed fourteen women (as part of what he described as his struggle against feminism) local organizations including the Women's Defense Committee responded organizing a monster vigil of thousands.

The Women's Defense Committee would continue to carry out actions to protest sexism and male violence against women for the next few years. When police would next attack a Montreal queer demo in 1992, it would be because it was marching in solidarity with a WDC march protesting Canada's sexist laws criminalizing women who went topless. By that time the women from that scene had been elected to the Concordia Students Union under the slogan "Feminism Works", and they were having lots of fun and games of their own... all of which i am sure will be discussed some day - but not today!

*******************

It has been eighteen years since Joe Rose was killed and the International AIDS Conference was stormed, seventeen years since the Oka Crisis and the Sexgarage raids. It is in many ways a different world as processes as big and complex as neo-colonialism, the fall of the Soviet bloc and globalization have unleashed profound changes we are only beginning to identify.

Meanwhile, despite the hype, despite Will and Grace and gay marriage and "cool queers" there is more and more that needs to be done. "Gay acceptability" has come at a steep cost to gay runaways and sex workers and others who are now a liability to the respectable and admirable homosexual entrepreneur. Guppification plays out in a cruel dialectic with homophobic and whore-phobic violence, each of which makes the oppressed ever more vulnerable. The very public embrace of gay entertainers is cold comfort as we get the sneaking suspicion that we could simply be being set up as scapegoats when the water gets choppy.

There is as much reason to organize and fight back now as their ever was. The only question - now as seventeen years ago - is what will allow people to feel that winning is possible, that fighting back is worth it.

That's what we have to figure out.


**************

This year's radical queer march to join with the Divers/Cite parade is meeting on Sunday July 29th at 11:30 AM: meet at the park on the corner of de Lorimier & Ontario. At noon sharp, we will leave the park to join the Pride Parade. For more information see the Pervers/Cite call out.

**************

Thanks to the nice things people have told me about this text, i decided to lay it out as a pamphlet - it is available through my distro Kersplebedeb. You can email me at info@kersplebedeb.com to order a copy; also check out my Radical Literature page for loads more pamphlets and books.



Thursday, June 21, 2007

Black Family Pepper Sprayed By Montreal Police


Julie Cox, holding her 4-year-old daughter Kheisha at a news conference
yesterday, was arrested with her son Lynwald (right) after being
violently abused by Montreal police last week

Police officer's from Montreal's Station 25 harassed, beat and pepper sprayed a Black motorist and his mother last week, on June 13th.

Here is the story from today's Montreal Gazette:

A case of 'driving while black'?
Versions differ. Mother, son arrested by city police claim harassment
IRWIN BLOCK, The Gazette
Published: Thursday, June 21, 2007


If you're black and drive a fancy car, get ready for racial profiling by Montreal police, says the father of a family that complains of being harassed last week.

Lynwald Cox, 26, and his mother, Julie Cox, say they were harassed June 13 when police stopped him for making an illegal left turn while he was driving his Nissan Maxima near the Van Horne Shopping Centre.

The Chateauguay residents went public yesterday with their complaint to the police ethics commission, but Ryan Cox, father of Lynwald and husband of Julie, says it's part of a pattern.

He's been stopped often and he feels it's because he's black.

"I drive a Lincoln Town Car, my other son drives an Infiniti, my daughter a late-model Ford - none of us has ever had so much as a parking ticket," he said.

"If a black person is driving a certain car, you have to be a pimp, drug dealer or pusher," the senior Cox, a vocational teacher at the English Montreal School Board, said bitterly.

Montreal police will not tolerate racial profiling or discriminatory behaviour, Inspector Paul Chablo stressed yesterday.

"I can tell you with the greatest confidence that we have a zero tolerance policy for any type of discrimination or racial profiling," he said.

Chablo also cautioned it would be unfair to judge the officers prematurely, as they have an entirely different version of events.

Police in their report said Lynwald Cox punched an officer in the back of the head. They also said Cox followed a police car because "he wasn't happy about getting a ticket."

The Cox family outlined their complaint at the Black Coalition of Quebec offices yesterday.

On June 13, a police officer told Lynwald Cox, an apprentice automobile technician, he had taken a wrong turn. Cox said he replied he did not see the sign.

The officer then gave him a citation ordering an inspection for allegedly having windows that were too dark. (A check later showed they were not.)

This is where the alleged harassment began, Cox said, and where the police version differs.

Cox says he told police: "Nobody has ever harassed me about my windows being too tinted."

After receiving a ticket - which police say he was reluctant to accept - for an illegal turn, Cox left. Police "clapped their hands and said, 'Have a nice day,' " he said.

Cox says he drove up Van Horne Ave. to Decarie Blvd., where a police car cut him off. According to police, it was Cox who followed police "very closely from behind."

"Why would I follow them to get another ticket?" Cox asked.

Cox said he made a left on Decarie and police followed him. A police cruiser pulled ahead, zig-zagging and not letting him pass.

Near Edouard Montpetit Blvd. "they slammed on their brakes and cut me off again and then I honked (at) them," Cox said.

Police ordered Cox out of the car and "jumped me, pepper-sprayed me. I have bruises, I had to go to emergency and my hands are still numb from the handcuffs."

His eyeglasses were broken.

Cox claimed one officer, pointing a gun, said as he was handcuffed, "You're not so big now. Who's the man now? You're going to be sucking my d--k now."

Police contend they asked Cox, "What's the deal, why are you following us?" He became aggressive and assaulted the officer.

Cox's mother, who has worked at St. Mary's Hospital for 28 years, is charged with obstructing a peace officer.

Julie Cox, who laughed at the suggestion her son was tailing the police car, said she screamed when an officer pointed a gun at her son, then at her. "When the same officer lifted his baton ... I went between my son and the police to prevent him from hitting my son.

"We were both pepper-sprayed," she added. "I was kicked, I was pushed. I had to go to St. Mary's Hospital."

Julie Cox said she asked why the cops were doing this, and one replied: "Shut up, you're under arrest. Don't ask any questions."
Note that although Julie and Lynwald Cox were pepper sprayed, and Lynwald was beaten, what happened is described as "harassment" not "brutality". Regardless of who one may choose to believe, it should be pointed out that what is at issue is violence, which is one whole degree heavier than harassment.

For those of you from out of town, Cote-des-Neiges area is one of Montreal's mainly immigrant neighbourhoods, with many people from the Caribbean and the Philippines as well as previous generations of Jewish immigrants giving the area a unique political and national composition. It is also a mixed class area, with the overwhelming majority of Black and Philippino residents belonging to the most oppressed sections of the working class, giving these communities a different class character than most white communities, including most white working class communities, in Montreal.

Police repression is an ongoing problem in the area, with most of the heat focussed on people of colour. Racial profiling by cops from Station 25 - who were most likely those involved in the beating of the Cox family - can be witnessed on a regular basis in the neighbourhood.

Indeed, police harassment of Philippino youth has been documented by the local group Kabattang Montreal. Roderick Carreon, a founding member of KM and current chairperson of SIKLAB Canada (A Philippino migrant workers' organization), gave a talk a couple of months ago describing the situation in the neighbourhood. As the media and the police work so hard to keep such voices silenced, it is worth quoting Carreon's talk on racial profiling at some length here:

One of these cases involves twenty Phillipino youth back in 1999, who were stopped harassed and put under arrest by Station 25 and Station 26 for gathering outside Plamondon metro. When we inquired about the case, it turned out that a resident called the local Station 25 police detachment to tell them that a lot of youths were outside the metro late at night – which is 10:30 at night – and they had to respond to that call. So their answer was sending seven police cars from Station 25 and six police cars from Station 26, so from 11 o'clock until 1 o'clock at night twenty Philippino youths were on the ground in Plamondon metro being interrogated and patted down and charged with illegal public assembly. At the same time they were constantly checking the streets for gang members, and they assumed that these Philippino youths were members of criminal organizations.

Another instance involved three KM members, who were leafleting in the Plamondon metro back in 2000. They were stopped by the transit police inside the Plamondon metro, and were told that only religious organizations were allowed to distribute pamphlets or any other papers in the metro or outside the metro.

So, as KM was taught, they actually answered back, and said this is a right, this is our right to distribute fliers - and this was for an activity commemorating police brutality, which is odd. The metro police’s response was again to call Station 25, and Station 25 sent two police cruisers, and started putting three of our youths in handcuffs. The reasoning for handcuffing our youths was that two of our youths, who didn't speak English or French, because they just came to Montreal, were trying to explain their situation with their hands. So Station 25 assumed that two of the youths were actually using martial arts against them!

So they put them in handcuffs and ticketed them for distributing fliers. Eventually we won the case, and Station 25 dropped those tickets.

[...]

Racial profiling has become rampant particularly in Cote-des-Neiges. And now it's gotten worst to the point that after the September 11th incidents and of course Bush and the US war on terror, the line of questioning by Station 25 and Station 26 reached the point that they do not ask about gang affiliation any more, they are now being asked if they are immigrants, when they arrived in Canada, if their parents are citizens, or if they actually belong in Canada. And most of these kids are complaining of police harassment and racial profiling every day. I myself am being victimized every week... actually just coming here tonight while picking up my kids from school and from daycare I was followed by Station 26 for three blocks. And of course i had to stop and ask them why are following me. Its just routine check up. This is the reasoning behind every police harassment that’s happening in Cote-des-Neiges.

And these are just the documented cases - we're not even sure if most of these cases are being reported. Now in Cote-des-Neiges as a community it’s hard to ignore racial profiling when you see it, because you see it every day. Now throughout the years during KM's organizing work in Cote-des-Neiges we've documented close to three dozen cases of racial profiling - some of them are worst than the others. We have complaints by some of the Philipino youth that they were actually taken to the police station, interrogated, some of them were physically abused but never charged. The reasoning behind it: because they look different. They look different because of the way they dress, and of course the colour of their skin.

As another - and particularly tragic - example of racial profiling in Cote-des-Neiges area, one which is certainly familiar to readers of this blog, remember that this is the neighbourhood where Mohamed Anas Bennis was murdered by a police officer from Station 25 on December 1st 2005. Bennis, a young Muslim man, was killed outside the prayer room he frequented on the corner of Kent and Cote-des-Neiges. The police claimed that he was mentally deranged and jumped out of some bushes stabbing one of their officers with a kitchen knife. Investigators claimed that the entire event had been filmed by a security camera. Yet eighteen months later they remain unable to produce either the knife or the security video, which they now claim shows nothing of interest.

The fact that the police were in the area raiding a fraud ring that had been told had "possible terrorist connections", and that Bennis was dressed in traditional Muslim clothing, has lead most objective observers to conclude that he was killed as a result of racial profiling.

A Matter of Perspective

As i have noted before, in isolation each case of racial profiling remains almost unprovable. We can't read minds, and so if police insist they are "just doing their job", we are left to rely on our own preconceptions and experiences to judge precisely what's what. Not surprisingly, people who have had positive interactions with the police tend to give them the benefit of the doubt, while people who are regularly harassed by police tend to believe their victims. Thus, how one responds to claims of police racism or brutality is directly related to one's own class position or relationship to privilege and oppression.

Often police accounts of what has happened are highly improbable, but a whole series of preconceptions about who "gets in trouble", and about working class people and people of colour, lead many white middle class people to swallow any tall tale.

Let's return to the case of the Cox family, whose troubles started when they left Van Horne shopping centre, taking an illegal left turn. The news report says that to go home they would eventually take Decarie south. As anyone who knows the Van Horne shopping centre will tell you, there is only one "illegal" turn out of the centre to the left if you're heading to Decarie, the one on Lemieux. As everyone in the neighbourhood knows, people turn left here constantly throughout the day. So many people, in fact, take this "illegal turn" that a couple of years ago when the police wanted to stop people from taking it they did a little publicity campaign telling people that they knew everyone turned left, but that soon they would start ticketing people for doing so. Which they did for a little while, but which they then stopped doing.

In other words, hundreds of people make the same "illegal turn" Lynwald Cox made, and the police never stop them.

What comes next in the police version of events is simply not believable, but a certain white-vision and middle class perspective will lead many people to give them the benefit of the doubt. The cops claim that Lyndwald Cox started tail-gating them, looking for a confrontation. He would have to be crazy to do that... i mean who the fuck tailgates the cops?!? But to make it more incredible: we are told that he was doing this with his mother in the car!

As in the case of Mohamed Anas Bennis - who we are told saw a group of police officers and attacked them with a kitchen knife for no reason - this story just does not make sense.

Next Lyndald Cox and his mother Julie were pulled over, pepper sprayed and beaten. A cop drew his gun. Here it is worth noting that a study by University of Toronto academic Philip Stenning has found that in responding to ‘minor offenses’ police are four times as likely to draw a gun when dealing with Black person, significantly more liklely to use force during and after an arrest when dealing with people of colour, and significantly more likely to insult people of colour than white people. (see page 69 of Crisis Conflict and Accountability).

In other words, Ryan Cox is right: it all fits a pattern...


Police Abuse and the "New" Montreal Economy


As long as there are police, there will be police abuse.

That said, such abuse and brutality is not random. It follows a certain logic, and its character changes depending on historical circumstance.

At the moment Montreal has an expanding immigrant working class, the vast majority of whom are people of colour from the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia. It is still unclear exactly what the long-term class trajectories of different communities within this immigrant working class will be, but at the moment at least all these people are experiencing heightened levels of economic exploitation and police repression. The former comes in the form of irregular and temporary work, discrimination and mass unemployment. The latter comes in the form of "anti-terrorist" surveillance and repression, racial profiling, and class profiling.

For those sections of this new immigrant working class which are the most oppressed, and which are being pushed into permanent economic insecurity, struggles against police harassment and violence will take on greater and greater importance.

The ability to see racist policing for what it is, and to disbelieve the lies of the police public relations departments, will determine what sections of the left have a chance of acting as allies to the immigrant working class, and what sections become the "progressive" face of white racism.

We'll be watching to see who falls where.