Showing posts with label Economic Method. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Economic Method. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 5, 2013

Economic Method, Theory and Policy: Krugman Edition

In a recent attack on causal-realist economists [or the "Austrianish Horde" as he called it], Paul Krugman again reverts back to using a baby-sitting co-op as a model for the economy. His doing so provides an excellent example of what I tell my students the first day of my Foundations of Economics course. I explain that too often people wish to begin by answering policy questions without making sure their theory is correct. This is a disastrous mistake, because one's policy conclusions are directly related to one's understanding of economic theory. It is our economic theory that leads us to conclude that particular economic policies will result in particular economic consequences. For example, increasing the money supply by a billion dollars a day will result in its purchasing power being lower than it would be without the monetary inflation.

Krugman's recent blog post is a case in point. Krugman is well-known to be a Keynesian fiscal and monetary activist. He pushes this policy agenda in large part because of the way he conceives of the economy. He thinks we can model the economy as a baby-sitting cop-op that uses baby-sitting tickets to purchase sitter services. In doing so, Krugman uses what Rothbard called a "false mechanical analogy" of model building.  Rothbard criticizes the use of such model building because "the 'models' of economic and political theory are simply a few equations and concepts which, at very best, could only approximate a few of the numerous relations in the economy or society." As such, they often abstract so far from reality as to be irrelevant at best or destructive at worst.

Krugman's baby-sitting co-op model is an example of the latter. In this model the output is baby sitting and the "money" is the tickets. Krugman used this model way back in 1998 in the first edition of his Return of Depression Economics, by which he meant return of Keynesian economics.

What I said about the model in my review of the book, still applies today:
Krugman’s main analytical model is a quintessential example of his strengths, such as they are, and weaknesses. While attempting to explain the workings of the economy in simple terms that the general population can readily understand, he hitches his analytical wagon to an article using a baby-sitting co-op in 1970s Georgetown as a model for the macroeconomy. As a result, Krugman makes fundamental errors regarding how the economy works. In an attempt to efficiently ration baby-sitting services among the members, the baby-sitting co-op issued coupons. Each member family paid a baby-sitting ticket whenever they used the co-op and received a ticket whenever they baby-sat for one of the other members of the co-op. Purposely leaving out the details, Krugman tells the reader that members of the co-op suddenly increased their demand to hold baby-sitting tickets. Consequently, there was not enough aggregate baby-sitting demand for the services of those members in the co-op who were looking to baby-sit in order to increase their ticket incomes. In other words, Krugman explains, the baby-sitting co-op went into a recession.

The attraction of this model is its seductive simplicity. Krugman is often quite good at taking issues and problems the general reader finds unmanageably complex and explaining them in ways simple to understand. While this is, of course, a virtue, it is only a virtue if his explanation accurately reflects reality. The chief responsibility of the economist is to get the analysis straight. For this, the
baby-sitting model will not do.
The fundamental error of this model is that it only has one good: baby-sitting. This leads the reader to think of economic output as if all goods produced in the economy are homogenous units making up one aggregate. The lesson of the model is that if a recession occurs, it must be that there is not enough demand for this homogenous output. In the baby-sitting model, the problem is that members
demanded to hold too many tickets. For the economy as a whole, as Krugman views it, “a recession is normally a matter of the public as a whole trying to accumulate cash” (p. 11). People decrease spending in order to increase their cash balances. The supply of goods not demanded sits idle, and unemployment results.

In reality, of course, the plethora of goods bought and sold in the world economy are heterogeneous. What causes a recession is not too little “aggregate demand” or “too much capacity” due to overinvestment. Recessions are a product of malinvestment, resulting from government intervention in credit markets. If the government increases the money supply through credit expansion by artificially lowering interest rates, an incentive is created for entrepreneurs to invest in too much production of some higher order goods and not enough production of other lower order goods. It is not that too much investment is occurring in every sector of the economy, rather, investment that is occurring is being directed toward producing the wrong things, from the point of view of the people who make up society.

A very telling characteristic of Krugman’s analysis is that he argues that recessions will persist until aggregate demand picks up due to monetary inflation. Again Krugman, alluding to both the baby-sitting co-op and the economy, states that the recession “can normally be cured simply by issuing more coupons” (p. 11). The immediate question that should come to mind is why the surplus was not eliminated by a fall in the price of baby-sitting. We do not know. Krugman does not even bring it up! The model assumes that the prices are fixed at a one-ticket-to-onenight-of-baby-sitting ratio. This lulls the reader, and it seems Krugman himself, into forgetting that prices will adjust downward to eliminate any surplus due to a drop in demand. It is curious, to say the least, that in a book with the word economics in the title, the author does not get around to discussing even the mere possibility of a price decrease in the face of a surplus until page 155, that is, until the reader has read 92 percent of the text.

Friday, August 24, 2012

Wednesday, February 29, 2012

Ran Aground on the Black-Scholes

I am again teaching Foundations of Economics, the course that bears the name taken from my book. Toward the end, we examine various economic methods that are alternatives to praxeology, the causal-realist method reflective of the Christian view of man. One of the less-than-satisfactory methods, albeit one of the presently most popular, is the mathematical method.

Among various criticisms of this method, I point out one reason mathematical economics is not ideal as an economic method is that mathematical economics presupposes constant quantitative economic relationships. In fact, there are no such things. Economic interaction is human action and human volition, the driving force of human action, precludes any quantitative constants.

Sometimes this loss of reality might have relatively minor consequences. Demand functions derived by Mr. Mathematical Economist, Leon Walras, did exhibit the law of demand, after all. On the other hand, sometimes, conceiving of the economy as if it is a machine in which all of the parts are related in a constant quantitative way can have disastrous consequences.

A few weeks ago, The Guardian had an interesting article documenting the havoc the Black-Scholes equation strewn throughout financial markets, greatly contributing to the economic crisis of 2008. Ian Stewart's article, "The Mathematical Equation that Caused the Banks to Crash," should serve as a warning for those who are tempted to think that the equations of mathematical economists can be swallowed whole.

Stewart gets to the heart of the matter when he writes,
Any mathematical model of reality relies on simplifications and assumptions. The Black-Scholes equation was based on arbitrage pricing theory, in which both drift and volatility are constant. This assumption is common in financial theory, but it is often false for real markets. The equation also assumes that there are no transaction costs, no limits on short-selling and that money can always be lent and borrowed at a known, fixed, risk-free interest rate. Again, reality is often very different.
Stewart is right not to blame the entire economic meltdown on the Black-Scholes equation and other equations like it. The entire escapade was bank-rolled by the federal reserve. Without the new money investors could spend based on the Black-Scholes model, none of the malivestment that caused the recession would have occurred.

Unfortunately, the author ends on a sour note. "The world economy desperately needs a radical overhaul and that requires more mathematics, not less. It may not be rocket science, but magic it's not."  Here Stewart reveals a bias that assume economic science must be quantitative, because that is what sciences are. If it ain't quantitative, it ain't science. It's magic.

To the contrary, I suggest that one can jettison the problems associated with attempting to mathematically modelling human action, yet still engage in scientific inquiry regarding economic phenomena. A good place to start is business cycle theory developed by Mises, Hayek, Rothbard, Garrison, Huerta de Soto and Salerno.

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Christian Antropology and Economic Method

My article "Christian Anthropology and Economic Method" has just been published in the most recent (Fall 2010) issue of Areopagus Journal. The issue is devoted to the theme Christian economics and in addition to my article includes work by Paul A. Cleveland on the natural law case for the free market, Eric Schansberg on a Christian understanding of economics, and Thomas Tacker on the importance of private property for life and liberty.

In many ways, I think the theme is really more like Christianity and economics. Some people who hear of a Christian perspective of economics respond, "What's next? A Christian view of dentistry? Automobile maintenance?" Such a response misses the point. Good economics is good economics whether its done by Christians or unbelievers. Christianity does come to bear, however, on epistemology, our understanding of what it means to be human, and economic policy. It is there that Christian doctrine touches how and why we do economics and also for what end.

My article sets forth some of the implications of the Christian view of man and the method best used to discover economic truth. I lay out the Scriptural doctrine that man is made in God's image and is, therefore, a rational actor. Humans engage in purposeful behavior. I then explain:
The Christian view of man as a rational actor has certain important implications for economic method. Any sound economics that is relevant for the created order in which God has placed us must take human action fully into account. In fact the very starting point for economic analysis is human action. The first task of economics, consequently, is to logically unpack the implications of human action. Sound economics, therefore, discovers truth by beginning with the premise that humans act and then deduce implications of their actions.

The economic method described here is praxeology. It is the method used by the Misesian, causal-realist tradition of economics. This fidelity of praxeology to the Christian view of man is what solidified my conviction that economics is a legitimate calling. It is a vocation worthy of devoting my life to. Because good economics discovers real truths about the created order, such praxeological economics reveals something of the glory of God.

Wednesday, June 8, 2011

Are Nobel Prizes in Economics Enough to Make One a Good Policy Maker?

Peter A. Diamond complained in Sunday's New York Times that, even though he won a Nobel Prize in economics, senate approval of his nomination to serve on the board of the Federal Reserve is being held up. In doing do, he makes the case that in order to do monetary policy right, it is important to know something about unemployment, his own area of expertise.

I, for one, am not so sure that winning the Nobel Prize in economics should be taken as prima facie evidence of sound overall economic analysis. Paul Krugman, Joseph Stiglitz, and Paul Samuelson all won Nobel Prizes and I find most of their economic analysis abysmal. Even the work of Milton Friedman, another Nobel Laurette greatly disappoints when it comes to economic method and monetary analysis.

It turns out that a main reason to maintain a healthy skepticism about the pronouncements of Nobel Prize winners is that the committee awarding the prize has demonstrated decidedly destructive biases in their awards. That is the conclusion of economist Nikolay Gertchev, a PhD economist now working for the European Commission in Brussels. In his article "The Economic Nobel Prize," Gertchev first documents the bias toward mathematical economics and the relativism that results from empirical positivism.

About research programs of Prize recipients, he notes
The vast majority of rewarded contributions, while pertaining to different fields ofscientific investigation, and hence raising different questions, share in common two basic views, which will be addressed separately in the next two sub-sections. According to the first view, the market process is inefficient. According to the second view, the failures of this inefficient market process need to be corrected, and government policies are potent and well suited for achieving this goal.
Gertchev explains the destructive practical consequences of such a bias in his conclusion:
The most fundamental problem that such a pro-government and anti-market bias is causing for a Prize that claims to be scientific is its relation to truth. The single goal of scientific research should be the discovery of new knowledge, either through correcting past errors or through the discovery of previously unknown truths. Truth, however, does not appear to be a primary concern for the Prize committee in economics.
You can watch Gertchev's presentation of his article here:


PFS 2010 - Nikolay Gertchev, Not New, Not True, Irrelevant or Evil: How Economic Nobel Prizes Are Won from Sean Gabb on Vimeo.

Given such a track record, perhaps not only is it not enough for a Fed Governor to be a Nobel Prize winner. Perhaps it is undesirable.