U.S. -Soviet Cooperation In Space: A Case Study
AUTHOR Major Carl E. Lewis, USA
CSC 1989
SUBJECT AREA - General
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Title: U.S. -SOVIET COOPERATION IN SPACE: A CASE STUDY
Thesis: U.S. -Soviet civilian and military uses of space has
become a complex and contentious issue, bringing into play
numerous balances or imbalances of international scientific and
technological cooperation.
Issue: The shape of future cooperation between the U.S. and the
Soviet Union is a delicate balance of two competing objectives.
On one side is the scientific and practical benefits of the two
countries sharing their separate knowledge for a more complete
understanding of the whole. The other side is the advertent or
inadvertent transfer of sensitive technology from one country to
the other. The trade off is difficult to assess, especially in
light of the history behind the decision to be made, both with
the U.S. and with France. Since both countries' space programs
are heavily military and strategic, international cooperation in
space has been difficult. Early joint ventures began on an
interagency level, then on to an intergovernmental level. The
most significant joint venture was the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project
in May of 1970. While certainly a landmark in international
cooperation, the resulting technology transfers made some
question the wisdom of continuing along this line. Also
questionable is the amount of reciprocity the Soviets have
provided in these exchanges. France has continually maintained a
working relationship with the Soviet Union on a limited space
agenda.. The French definition of militarily sensitive
technology differs from the U.S. definition, making wide ranging
policy implications between the two countries inevitable.
However, the U.S. has been able to gain information about the
Soviet program through the French that otherwise would have been
difficult to acquire.
Conclusion: The key issue revolves around several important
questions. While a few deal with the aspects of research
opportunities and cost effectiveness, the most important ones
deal with who receives the most benefit from the exchange and to
what end the exchange is pursued. The final debate remains on
whether the advances made from technological and scientific
cooperation in space will offset the technological and scientific
losses the U.S. will experience in such an exchange.
U.S.-SOVIET COOPERATION IN SPACE: A CASE STUDY
OUTLINE
Thesis Statement: U.S.-Soviet civilian and military uses of
space has become a complex and contentious issue, bringing into
play numerous balances or imbalances of international scientific
and technological cooperation.
I. Shape of Future U.S.-Soviet Cooperation
A. Balancing Two Competing Objectives
1. Scientific and Practical Benefits
2. Transfer of Sensitive Technology
B. Past Experiences Suggest it will be a Challenge
II. History of U.S.-Soviet Cooperation in Space
A. Tracing the Growth of U. S.-Soviet Cooperation
1. 1959 Bilateral Agreement
2. 1962 and 1971 Interagency Agreements Between NASA
and Soviet Academy of Science
3. 1984 Public Law 98-562
4. Most Recent 1986 Space Cooperation Pact
B. Most Notable Event 1970 Apollo-Soyuz Test Project
C. Possible Transfer of Sensitive Technology
III. Future Cooperation in Space vs. Technology Transfer
A. Definition of Sensitive Technology
B. Soviet View's on Cooperation in Space
IV. Differing Perspective, the French Experience
A. A Formal Accord Signed in 1966
B. CNES Budget Reflects France's Commitment
C. Question of Sensitive Technology Transfer
D. Policy Implications for the U.S.
V. Value of Soviet Cooperation in Space to U.S.
A. Gains vs. Risks
B. Effects on Future U.S. Cooperation
United States-Soviet Union cooperation in space has existed
since the late l95Os on a somewhat limited basis. This
relationship in space has essentially been as unpredictable as
all other endeavors of cooperation with the Soviets. It is
comprised of a combination of scientific, foreign policy, and
national security issues and is influenced by a background of
strained, unpredictable, and ambiguous relations between the two
countries. U. S. -Soviet civilian and military uses of space has
become a complex and contentious issue, bringing into play
numerous balances and imbalances of international scientific and
technological cooperation.
The shape and magnitude of future U.S.-Soviet cooperation in
space will be determined by balancing four competing objectives,
of which this paper will primarily focus on the first two. These
objectives are as follows:
* the scientific and practical benefits that can be
gained from space cooperation
* the potential transfer of sensitive military
technology and know-how between the two countries
* the effect of space cooperation on foreign policy
* perceptions about Soviet motivations and behavior and
the course of U. S. -Soviet relations overall1
Experience also suggests that from a scientific and
practical point of view, space cooperation can lead to
significant gains in some areas of space research. In addition,
it may provide the U.S. with a much better understanding of the
Soviet space program. Past experiences further suggest that the
possibilities of technology transfer from the U.S. to the Soviets
will continue to be a countervailing concern for any future space
cooperation. Should the U.S. continue to seek cooperation in
space with the Soviet Union, it will have to come to terms with
these concerns. The issue is not the transfer of military
sensitive technology. Most people agree that we need to restrict
its flow. The issues are, what is considered military sensitive
technology, who is authorized to make that decision, and how do
we protect potentially sensitive military technology in any
exchange programs?2
All our past experiences in space cooperation with the
Soviets suggest this will be a difficult and controversial
challenge. Further, the Soviets' aggressive campaign to acquire
Western technology and know-how in space related areas aggravates
the issue and provides motivation for limiting U. S.-Soviet
cooperation in space. Because of many conflicts and the
multiplicity of views about East-West cooperation in space, the
shape, size, scope, and effectiveness of any potential space
cooperation between the two will be determined by how these
viewpoints are reflected in policy.
U. S. -Soviet cooperation in space has been limited. For the
most part, the two countries have developed two extensive
programs in almost complete isolation from each other. In
principle, both have been committed to the ideal of international
cooperation in space. But, because, both countries having space
programs heavily military and strategic in nature, this has not
happened.
The Soviets'early approach to space on was characterized by
efforts to score propaganda points and beat the U.S. in all
facets of space exploration. The U.S. has been favorably
disposed toward cooperation in space with the Soviets. The U.S.
not only viewed cooperation as a means to promote peace, but also
as a means of pooling technical knowledge, placing the use of
space under some degree of control, and increasing its
international prestige. 3 However, the early U. S. overtures, for
the most part, were rejected or ignored.
Formal development of U. S. -Soviet cooperation in space has
benefited from general growth in U.S. -Soviet scientific and
technical cooperation. This cooperation has occurred on a number
of levels: on a bilateral intergovernmental basis, in
multilateral forums, and through more informal scientist-to-
scientist exchanges. In 1959, cooperation began on a bilateral
basis with the signing of agreements between the Soviet Academy
of Science and NASA. In addition, the U.S. and the Soviets have
signed agreements to cooperate in space on four other occasions.
The first two of these were at the interagency level in 1962 and
1971 between NASA and the Soviet Academy of Science. The latter
two occasion were at the intergovernmental level, when an
"Agreement Concerning Cooperation in the Exploration and Use of
Outer Space for Peaceful Purpose" was signed in 1972 and reviewed
in 1977. On the multilateral front, U. S. -Soviet cooperation has
expanded through numerous international projects and
organizations such as the World Weather Watch and the
International Maritime Satellite system. The U.S. and Soviet
Union have also signed numerous U.N. agreements concerning the
peaceful uses of outer space.
Despite these early attempts at cooperation in space, the
road has been an uneven one marked by intermittent hopes,
occasional accomplishments, and many disappointments. This path
of cooperation is due to a number of factors: high level secrecy
surrounding Soviet space activities, the inability of both
countries to separate the issues of U. S. -Soviet military and
political competition on earth from the pursuit of cooperation in
space, the United States' unwillingness to share its space
technology, and the perceived space race which began in October
1957 with the launching of Sputnik. 4
In tracing U. S. -Soviet cooperation in space, it is easy for
one to see that the decades of the 50's and the 60's were ones of
frustration. Cooperation actually reached a high point in the
1970's at the height of detente, with the Apollo-Soyuz test
project. Soon afterwards, in the late 1970's cooperation began
to decline to low levels, with the collapse of the 1972
cooperation agreement in 1982. The mid-1980's found a new drive
for the U.S.-Soviet cooperation in space. The most prolific
statement was the signing of Public Law 98-562 in Qctober 1984,
which supported the renewing of space cooperation with the Soviet
Union, and the subsequent proposals for prospective U. S. -Soviet
joint ventures.
The most recent attempt was on November 11, 1986 with the
signing of the Space Cooperation Pact, which established sixteen
cooperative programs. This new agreement specifically limits the
transfer of technology and know-how in both directions. The
primary focus of this new agreement centers instead on the
coordination of certain projects and the exchange of data. Some
of the primary projects where cooperation could take place are:
* Mars mission cooperation
* Sharing data from the Soviet Phobos probe (for the
study of Mar's moon)
* America's Mars Observer to be launched in the early
1990's
* U.S. Magellan probe to Venus.
As a whole, this agreement is viewed as entirely more specific
than the earlier ones, which culminated in the joint Apollo-Soyuz
Test Project.
The Apollo-Soyuz Test Project is the first and only large
scale joint adventure in space where the U.S. and the Soviets
have cooperated. It is also probably the first attempt at
cooperation in space where there was a significant chance for the
transfer of any important technology or know-how.
In May 1970, the U.S. put forth a proposal to develop a
common docking mechanism for manned spacecraft and space
stations. This proposal was based on the belief that there was
the need for each country to have reciprocal rescue capabilities
to enhance astronaut safety.
It is not entirely clear why the Soviets chose this time to
cooperative with the United States in space, but many believe it
was primarily based on Soviet technological requirements. In
1968 a manned Soyuz 3 approached the unmanned Soyuz 2 apparently
with the intentions of docking, but did not do so. In October
1969, a tandem flight of three manned spacecraft took place. Two
of these were expected to dock, but again did not do so. Both of
these missions were presumed to be failures. Due to the lack of
success the Soviets have had in their attempts at docking in
space, the U.S. offer of cooperation in this particular area of
space technology was seen as an incentive for the Soviets to
agree to the joint adventure.5
Despite the dramatic hopes this adventure represented, the
project gradually became the most visible and controversial
product of U. S.-Soviet cooperation in space. Many believe that
the mission was wasteful and a bad choice for the use of limited
space dollars. These same individuals believed that the U.S. had
also financed the opportunity for the Soviets to present
themselves as technological equals to the United States. They
further pointed out that it was totally unrealistic to believe
that the United States' space technology had not been passed.
The Soviets ended up with the docking mechanism, which as of that
time they were sorely lacking.
Other transfers of technology are believed to have taken
place during the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project. This transfer is
primarily believed to have taken place during the experimental
phase of the in-flight mission. The first example of
significance was the experiment utilizing the U.S. material
research oven to melt metals and then resolidify them in order to
study the effects of weightlessness and conviction. Another
possible area of concern is the transfer of thruster technology.
The Soviet spacecraft of this generation were not highly
maneuverable, and had to rely on the Apollo spacecraft to do the
maneuvering when an experiment required it.
As for the passing of technology and know-how from the
Soviets to the U. S., there is not any of significance to note.
The main benefit that the U.S. derived from this project was
the break in secrecy surrounding the Soviet space program as a
whole and probably a fair understanding of the level of their
space technology in 1975.
The Apollo-Soyuz Test Project brings to the front the main
question as to what extent will the Soviets go to gain access to
militarily sensitive technology and technical know-how through
U.S. -Soviet space cooperation? The issue of "technology
transfer" is part of a much larger debate, and at the head of
this debate are two very important national interest issues:
"the importance of minimizing the use of American scientific and
technological expertise in the building up of Soviet military
strength, and the importance of maintaining and promoting open
communication in science and technology. "6
Few would argue against cooperation in space with the
Soviets as long as it was a two way street. However, they would
suggest that the cooperation remain strictly controlled. The
assumption behind this is that the Soviets are making important
military gains through the acquisition of Western technology.
Intelligence reports have even shown that one of the primary
acquisition targets of the Soviet Union is Western space
technology. Therefore, it is believed that cooperation in space
with them will only facilitate an already extensive Soviet
program for the acquisition of space related technology.
To further aggravate the debate over U. S. -Soviet cooperation
is the issue of defining what technology is really militarily
sensitive. The issue of defining what is sensitive has proven to
be an exceedingly ambiguous exercise. Numerous regulatory
mechanisms have been established to control the transfer of
militarily sensitive technology, but these mechanisms have
themselves became the subject of enormous controversy.
Therefore, the issue of sharpening the definition of what maybe
militarily sensitive in space without stifling scientific inquiry
will be a major challenge if U.S. -Soviet space cooperation is to
exist.
If a realistic definition of militarily sensitive technology
cannot be determined, the issue then becomes how we can actually
use sensitive technology and information in cooperative projects
with the Soviets. There is the belief that at certain times, it
may be in the United States' interest to allow some potentially
sensitive technology to be utilized. It is felt that the soviets
have limited capabilities for absorbing this sensitive Western
technology and applying it successfully to improve their
production know-how. However, by allowing the Soviet Union
access to this technology the U.S. could conceivably acquire
valuable information on Soviet capabilities as they existed at
any given time. But, we must caution ourselves against
underestimating the Soviet capacity for absorbing technical
information, copying Western technology, and incorporating
particular items of technology into their military effort even
without the ability to reproduce them. This too will be an
important issue if U. S. -Soviet cooperation in space is to exist.
Looking at the Soviet approach to cooperation in space, we
generally find that it is quite different from our own. Space
cooperation is an integral part of Soviet foreign policy and its
objectives extend beyond a desire for peace to competition as
well. The Soviets view their relations with the United States
not only as competition between two military or space programs
but between two political and social systems as well. The
Marxist-Leninist doctrine expresses an incompatibility between
the Socialist and non-Socialist countries. The Soviets
consistently use their space program to pursue foreign policy
objectives which are more competitive and confrontational in
nature. They believe in using space as a propaganda tool to
enhance their national prestige and influence worldwide opinion
while weakening that of the United States. They continually
resist linking cooperation in space with other political events,
yet they have no qualms linking the U.S. Strategic Defense
Initiative with future U.S.-Soviet cooperation. The implication
of all of this is that the Soviets more closely tie their
willingness for cooperation in space with the overall state of
U. S.-Soviet relations.
An alternate perspective to U. S. -Soviet cooperation in space
is how other western countries, most notably France has dealt
with the issue of space cooperation with the Soviets and the
possible implications of technology transfer.
French cooperation in space with the Soviets dates back to
1966 when Charles de Gaulle visited Moscow and signed an
"Intergovernmental Accord on Scientific/Technical and Economic
Cooperation. " Within this agreement was a large segment that
dealt with French-Soviet cooperation in the exploration and
peaceful uses of outer space that provided the framework for
formal cooperation in space activities. This accord provided for
the establishment of an organization called the "Grande
Commission, " comprised of both French and Soviet scientists. The
purpose of this organization was to assess on-going programs and
initiate new ones. The main agency in France that was
responsible for national space policy and programs was CNES. It
also had the responsibility of developing international
cooperation on both bilateral and multilateral bases.
France's commitment to cooperation in space on all levels is
reflected in CNES' annual budget. It was almost 600 million
dollars of which half was budgeted toward bilateral and
multilateral cooperation.7 While most of this was directed
toward the European Space Agency, at least 10%, or 51 million
francs was directed toward cooperation with the Soviets. In
contrast, the French budgeted 83 million francs toward
cooperation with the United States.8
France's cooperation with the Soviets is significant,
however, it is concentrated in a relatively small number of
areas. These range from the exchange of data and information to
a joint flight in 1982. The main areas of cooperation as
outlined by CNES as late as 1984 are:
* astronomy
* solar system exploration
* materials processing in space
* life sciences.9
The French perspective toward cooperation with the Soviets is
somewhat different than that of the U.S. Therefore, the issues
concerning French-Soviet cooperation are also different.
Typical examples of these differences are found in the responses
of the U.S. and France toward the Soviets after the invasion of
Afghanistan. Whereas the U. S. let cooperation in space lapse,
the French decided such cooperation should be sustained. While
the key issue in the U.S. today is whether space cooperation
should be renewed, the key issue in France is the degree to which
this cooperation should be maintained. This is not to say that
the issue of French-Soviet cooperation in space is without
controversy within France. Opposition, though, has generally
stemmed from humanitarian concerns rather than ones of strategic
or national interest.
In light of France's desire to continue and expand
cooperation with the Soviets, the question concerning the
possible transfer of militarily sensitive technology becomes
important. It is also one of the possible dangers that greatly
concerns the U. S. within the framework of U. S. -French cooperation
in space. France concedes that the Soviets are aggressively
seeking access to Western technology and know-how, and that they
are undoubtly acquiring technical capabilities from France beyond
those they already possess. The scope of the Soviets' mission to
acquire western technology and know-how was highlighted in 1983
by the expulsion of 43 Soviet technological spies. Additionally,
French intelligence leak in 1985 Soviet documents which provide
further proof of the breath of Soviet industrial espionage in the
West, especially in the aeronautical field.
THe question in the French mind, though, is just how much
value are these new capabilities to the Soviets. This is where
the French and U.S. policy differ most markedly. At the core of
this difference lies the definition of "militarily sensitive
technology. In the case of the French, their definition is not
as stringent as that of the U.S. Even with this difference, the
French believe that they have adequate controls in place to the
avoid the transfer of sensitive technology to the Soviets. To
avoid this transfer, the French, like the U.S., have a Missile
Technology Control List of sensitive technologies. They also
have an interministerial group of specialists who examine every
new project for the potential of sensitive technology transfer.
Thus, each project is evaluated for its technology transfer
potential.
France's policy of cooperation with the Soviets in space has
had policy implications for the United States. It has made the
U. S. much more reluctant to cooperate with the French on space
exploration, when that cooperation might lead to a transfer of
technology that the U.S. deems sensitive. The difference in the
definition of "militarily sensitive technology" has been the
subject of numerous heated debates in COCOM and other forums. It
has caused much concern in the Western Alliance which the Soviets
have freely used to their advantage in the foreign relations
arena. Even with these policy differences the U.S. has been able
to gain useful information and insight about the Soviet space
program from the French, which they might have had difficulty
acquiring otherwise.
The final key issue revolves around the question of just how
valuable cooperation in space with the Soviets is to the United
States, either from the standpoint of gaining access to data and
information or from a cost saving perspective. One can look at
that statement and break it down into three primary questions
which are:
(1) Does it open up more research opportunities than we
could gain from our programs alone?
(2) Can it provide opportunities for cost savings through
removal of duplication?
(3) And do the Soviets gain far in excess of what the U.S.
would?
Many believe that it would be naive on our part to answer these
questions in the negative. There could be substantial gains for
the U. S. in many areas such as life and planetary sciences.
As with any view there is always a counter one and in this
case it is strong, supported by many including the past
administration. This group feels that the U.S. is so far ahead
of the Soviets that little could be gained by cooperation. They
also believe that while cooperation might provide benefits in
specific areas of research, it would hardly be worth the enormous
amount of effort, time, money, energy, and frustration involved
in acquiring it. Finally, it is believed that what we did learn
would be far out of balance with what the Soviets would gain.
In conclusion, what emerges from the arguments about U. S. -
Soviet cooperation in space is twofold: while it is clear that
scientific and technological benefits can be gained from this
cooperation, the degree to which the gains may be offset by
scientific or technical losses is still a matter of debate. In
addition, there are several factors to be considered, of which,
the gains of cooperation and the risks of technology transfer,
disagreement over the relative importance of scientific and
practical benefits, and foreign policy objectives are but a few.
There will, however, always be a multiplicity of views about
East-West cooperation in space. The ways in which these
viewpoints are reflected in official policy will determine the
size, shape, scope, and effectiveness of any future potential
space cooperation with the Soviets.
FOOTNOTES
1. Office of Technology Assessment, "U. S. -Soviet Cooperation
In Space," A Technical Memorandum, Washington D. C., 1985, p. 3.
2. U. S. Congress, House, Subcommittee on Space Science and
Applications, "Assess Potential Gains and Drawbacks of Civilian
Space Cooperation with the Soviets, " Hearings before a
Subcommittee of the House Committee on Science and Technology,
99th Cong., 1st sess., 1985.
3. "U. S.-Soviet Cooperation In Space, A Technical
Memorandum, p.6
4. "U. S.-Soviet Cooperation In Space, A Technical
Memorandum, p. 7
5. Edward C. and Linda N. Ezell, The Partnership. A History
of the Apollo-Soyuz Test Project (New York: Dial Press, 1978), p.136.
6. "U.S.-Soviet Cooperation In Space," A Technical
Memorandum, p.28
7. "U. S.-Soviet Cooperation In Space," A Technical
Memorandum, p.83
8. "U. S.-Soviet Cooperation In Space, A Technical
Memorandum, p.83.
9. "U. S.-Soviet Cooperation In Space," A Technical
Memorandum, p.87.
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Eberhart, Jonathan. Astrodiplomats in Orbit. Science News Digest,
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