Secession movement at the South.
the South Carolina Convention--Governor Pickens' inaugural--Republican Press' view of Compromise — county Meetings in Virginia, &c., &c.
The South Carolina Convention.
The Charleston papers received last night bring some further details of the proceedings in the South Carolina State Convention Monday, of which a very full telegraphic summary has been published. We give the speech in full of Gen. Jamison, on taking the chair:‘ Gentlemen: I take it that we have met here under the most solemn circumstances; in a situation more solemn than any of us perhaps have ever been placed.
’ We have come here for the purpose, as I take it, of throwing off a government to which we have been accustomed, and of seeking new safeguards for our security. It is a most solemn act, and I trust, gentlemen, we have all come here to preserve the honor and character of South Carolina. If anything has been decided by the late election, it is that South Carolina must be taken out of this Confederacy in as speedy a manner as possible.
I trust that nothing may interfere; no outside pressure, no guarantees from abroad, will drive us from our purpose; for, gentlemen, there are two dangers which we are to avoid — overtures from abroad, and disputations from within. I trust that the door now is forever closed from any further connection with our Northern Confederacy. What guarantees can they offer us more binding, more solemn, and with a higher sanction, than the present written compact between us? Has that sacred instrument protected us from the jealousy and aggressions of the Northern people, which commenced forty years ago, and which ended in the Missouri Compromise? Has it protected us from the cupidity and avarice of the Northern people, who, for 35 years, have imposed upon us the burden of sustaining this government, chiefly upon the South? Has it saved us from Abolition petitions, intended to annoy and insult us on the very floors of Congress? Has that instrument enabled us to acquire one foot of the territory of Mexico, where the South furnished three-fourths of the men and four-fifths of their graves? Has it thrown any obstacle around us to the conversion of California into a free-soil State, without any previous territorial existence, without any defined boundaries? Did it throw any protection around the Southern settlers of Kansas, when the soil of that Territory was invaded by emigrants, armed in a crusade against the South by the Northern people; when even their women contributed Colt's revolvers to put down the slaveholder? Has not that instrument been trodden under their very feet by every Northern State by placing on their books statutes nullifying the laws for the recovery of fugitive slaves?
I trust, gentlemen, we will put no faith in paper guarantees. They are worthless, unless written in the hearts of the people. As there is no common bond between us, all attempts to continue us united, will only prove futile to the least and smaller section of the country. Our greatest danger is from any division within our border.
In inaugurating a great event like this, I trust we will go onward, and not be diverted from our purpose by any dictates from without, but do what we are sent to do. I can at this time offer you nothing better in inaugurating such a movement than the counsel of him who inaugurated the French Revolution--to dare, and again to dare, and without end to dare.
Hon. Porcher Miles, member of Congress, in opposing the adjournment to Charleston, said:
‘ I am just from Washington, where I have been in close consultation with all our Southern friends. They are unanimous, and their urgent request is not to delay at all, and the very last thing urged upon me by my friends of Georgia, of Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, and Texas, and from every other Southern State there, was to take out South Carolina the instant you can; and now the members are panic struck, and urge that we forthwith scamper off to Charleston.
’ It does not seem to me the effect would be a little judicious, if I may be allowed the use of the provincialism. I entreat the gentlemen to look at this matter. I am prepared, the instant the body passes the Ordinance of Secession, if the gentlemen desire it, to remove to any other point, and to go on and perfect our work; but I would not budge an inch from this, until we have sundered every tie that binds us to the Confederacy. [Great applause.]
Inaugural of Gov. Pickens.
The inaugural of Gov. Pickens, delivered at Columbia, S. C., on Monday, recites the wrongs sustained by the South from the North, and after stating the circumstances under which South Carolina entered the Confederacy, says:‘ There is one thing certain, and I think it due to the country to say in advance, that South Carolina is resolved to assert her separate independence, and, as she acceded separately to the compact of Union, so she will most assuredly secede, separately and alone, be the consequences what they may; and I think it right to say, with no unkind feeling whatever, that on this point there can be no compromise, let it be offered from where it may. The issues are too grave and too momentous, to admit of any counsel that looks to anything but direct and straight-forward independence. In the present emergency, the most decided measures are the safest and wisest.--To our sister States who are identified with us in interest and feeling, we will cordially and kindly look for co-operation and for a future Union; but it must be after we have asserted and resumed our original and inalienable rights and powers of sovereignty and independence. We can then form a government with them, having a common interest with people of homogeneous feeling, united together by all the ties that can bind States in one common destiny. From the position we may occupy towards the Northern States, as well as from our own internal structure of society, the government may, from necessity, become strongly military in its organization. When we look back upon the inheritance, the common glories and triumphant power of this wonderful Confederacy, no language can express the feelings of the human heart, as we turn from the contemplation, and sternly look to the great future that opens before us. It is our sincere desire to separate from the States of the North in peace, and leave them to develop their own civilization, according to their own sense of duty and of interest. But if, under the guidance of ambition and fanaticism, they decide otherwise, then be it so. We are prepared for any event, and, in humble reliance upon that Providence who presides over the destiny of men and of nations, we will endeavor to do our duty faithfully, bravely and honestly.
’
A Republican Organ on the Crisis.
The Albany (N. Y.) Journal publishes a leading editorial from the pen of Thurlow Weed. While maintaining the constitutionality of the principles of the Republican party, it advises such a compromise as will settle existing difficulties and avert the evils at present threatening the Union. The compromises of the Journal are set forth as follows:‘ We are prepared to say that an efficient but not a revolting Fugitive Slave law should be passed, and that its passage should be followed by a repeal of the Personal Liberty bills.
’ We are almost prepared to say that the Territories may be safely left to take care of themselves, and that when they contain a population which, under the census, entitles them to a representative in Congress, they may come into the Union with State governments of their own framing, provided, of course, that they conform to the Constitution of the United States.
This, in view of the surroundings of the Territory belonging to the Republic; in view of the fact that for four years, at least, freedom will have fair play; and in view, also, of two other elements of emigration and the census — this, we say, almost constrains us to believe that we may now confide the future of the Territories to the intelligence and patriotism of those who are to inhabit them. Or if this is inadmissible, there is another, which contemplates a division of the remaining territory of the United States, as in 1820, when the Missouri Compromise line was established. To this we shall be told that the compact was violated, and that the South cannot be trusted. Perhaps it would be so again, but not in our generation, or the next, nor indeed until the lessons of the last six years have been forgotten.
Meetings in Virginia.
In Fredericksburg, Va., Monday, a meeting was held, at which a State Convention was favored. Among the resolutions adopted, are the two following:‘ That without assuming to ourselves the right to utter complaint against any State for the course she may think proper to take in the vindication of her rights and honor, and insisting that such diversities of opinion and action as is natural should occur among the Southern States under the exigency of existing circumstances, should be considered by us in a spirit of cordial sympathy, we express our preference as at present advised, that the Convention of Virginia should invite the cooperation of the other Southern States in a Convention of Delegates to be appointed by them respectively, for the consideration of the grave matters of interest which are common to all.
’ That, in our opinion, the use of force directly or indirectly by the other States through the Federal Government, to compel any State to remain in the Union, or to force any Federal law within her limits after she has withdrawn from the Union, must inevitably lead to hostilities, in which Virginia will be constrained, in the present crisis, to take part against the Federal Government.
In Lewis county, Va., a meeting was held last week at which resolutions were adopted in favor of an amendment of the Federal Constitution, and requesting our representatives in Congress to strive to effect one. It was further resolved that "we will cling to the Constitution and the Union as the best guarantees of our peace and safety, until all peaceable and constitutional remedies shall have been exhausted in the settlement of the momentous questions now agitating the nation, and when all efforts at reconciliation and adjustment fail, (If fail they must,) we will, in order to secure to ourselves and our posterity the rights we could not enjoy in the Union, claim and exercise the right to withdraw from it."
Action of the border States--letter from A. O. P. Nicholson.
Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, Gen. Jackson's friend and editor, and at present Senator from Tennessee, discusses the question of secession in a letter to the Nashville Union. He admits the probability of a dissolution of the Union by the 4th of March, regarding it as certain that South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi will have seceded before that time. He then proceeds to show that on the 4th of March, 1861, when the new administration is installed, the majority of the Senate will belong to the party which elected Mr. Lincoln. On the first Monday in December, 1861, when the next Congress meets, the Republican party will, in all probability, have a majority in both Houses of Congress. --This result will have been produced by the secessions of the cotton States.In view of these facts, the action of the middle and border Southern States becomes, in the opinion of Mr. Nicholson, a momentous subject for consideration. He contends that the influence of these States should be so exerted as to prevent a collision between the seceding States and the Federal Government, and adds:
‘ "I take for granted that our State does not propose to join the cotton States in the effort to consummate her secession at the same time that they shall have consummated theirs. If I am not mistaken in the sentiment of Tennessee, our people require an honest effort to be made to save the Union by demanding additional guaranties, and it is only when this effort shall have failed that they propose to resort to secession. If I am right in this understanding of the sentiment of Tennessee, I see no necessity for any hasty or inconsiderate action. Let us move in the perilous crisis with firmness and determination, but not with hot haste."
’
Feeling of the Irish in Boston — strong Union sentiments.
The meeting was very large. A strong Union speech was made by Father Conway, late from Ireland. Several other strong Union speeches were also made.
Affairs in Charleston.
The reports of intended demonstrations against the forts are utterly false. No batteries of any sort have been erected in the neighborhood. The general disposition of the people is to exhaust negotiations before making any movement to obtain possession of the forts forcibly.
Some days ago the commanding officer at Fort Sumpter inquired of the laborers lately brought from Baltimore, if they would defend the place in case of attack? They answered unanimously that they came to work, not to fight, and rather than oppose the South they would immediately return to Baltimore.
