Missouri,
Was a part of what was originally known as Upper Louisiana. By the grant of Louis XIV. to Crozat, Sept. 14, 1712, “all the country drained by the waters emptying, directly or indirectly, into the Mississippi River,” is included in the boundaries of Louisiana. In northern Louisiana were included Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Kansas, and Nebraska. Below the Missouri the settlements were more rapid. In 1720 the discovery of lead-mines within its present borders drew adventurers there. Its oldest to town, St. Genevieve, was founded in 1755, and, by the treaty of Paris, in 1763, that whole region passed into the possession of the English. Already many of the Canadian French had settled on the borders of the Mississippi. Lands were liberally granted to the colonists by the English. Emigrants from Spain flocked in. In 1775 St. Louis, which had been first a fur-trading establishment, contained 800 inhabitants, and St. Genevieve about 460. In the region of Missouri there were soon stirring events; for Spain, taking sides with the Americans, made war on the English, and that country became master of lower Louisiana and Florida. In 1780 the British from the Lakes attacked St. Louis, but the timely arrival of Col. George Rogers Clarke (q. v.) in Illinois saved it from capture.After the war Spain retained Louisiana, [204] and the country on the east bank of the Mississippi became the property of the United States. American settlers crossed the Mississippi, and collisions with the Spanish authorities ensued. Diplomacy settled the disputes, and the navigation of the Mississippi was made free to both parties. The purchase of Louisiana (q. v.) made a final settlement. It was divided into the Territory of New Orleans and the District of Louisiana. The latter was admitted into the Union as the State of Louisiana in 1812. The name of the District of Louisiana was changed to Missouri, and at that time the population was full 22,000. In 1817 it had increased to 60,000, and application was made to Congress for permission to frame a State constitution. It was framed, and application was made for the admission of Missouri as a State. Then came the struggle between the friends and foes of the slavelabor system, which ended in the famous compromise (see Missouri compromise), in accordance with the provisions of which
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| State seal of Missouri. |
The inhabitants of the State were much agitated by the political events in Kansas (q. v.). They had pretty well learned the merits of the question at issue, and when they were called upon to act they did so intelligently. They knew the value of the Union; and the great body of the people deprecated the teachings of the disloyal politicians, and determined to stand by the national government. Claiborne F. Jackson was inaugurated governor of Missouri, Jan. 4, 1861. In his message to the legislature he recommended the people to stand by their sister slave-labor States in whatever course they might pursue. He recommended the calling of a convention. This the legislature authorized (Jan. 16), but decreed that its action on the subject of secession should be submitted to the people before it should be valid.
The convention assembled in Jefferson City, Feb. 28. On the second day of the session it adjourned to St. Louis, where it reassembled, March 4, with Sterling Price as president, and Samuel A. Lowe as secretary. Price professed to be a Unionist, and so obtained his election. He soon afterwards became one of the most active Confederate military leaders in that region. Luther J. Glenn, an accredited commissioner from Georgia, was allowed to address the convention on the first day of the session at St. Louis. He strongly urged Missouri to join the Southern Confederacy ; but it was found that the atmosphere of St. Louis, in and out of the convention, was not congenial to the nourishment of such an idea. The population of that city was made up largely of New-Englanders and Germans, who were loyal; while emigrants from slave-labor States, especially Virginia, composed the great body of the Confederates. Glenn's remarks were greeted with hisses by spectators at the convention. The convention itself officially assured him that his views were not acceptable to that body, and its proceedings throughout were marked by a great dignity and propriety.
The report of a committee on federal relations, submitted to the convention on March 9, deplored the offensive language used towards the slave-labor States and the institution of slavery by the antislavery speakers and writers in the freelabor States; but declared that “heretofore there has been no complaint against the actions of the federal government, in any of its departments, as designed to violate the rights of the Southern States.” The committee concluded that, while the possession of the government by a sec- [205]
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| A view of St. Louis. |
The convention substantially adopted this report, March 19; and an amendment was agreed to recommending the withdrawal of the National troops from the forts within the borders of the seceding States where there is danger of collision between the State and National troops. After appointing delegates to a Border State convention, and giving power to a committee to call another session when it might seem necessary, the convention adjourned to the third Monday in December.
A Union convention, which had been held in February, 1861, and adjourned, reassembled at Jefferson City, on July 22, and proceeded to reorganize the civil government of the State, which had been broken up by the flight of the governor and other officers and the dispersion of the legislature, many of whom were now Confederate soldiers. By a vote of 56 to 25 the convention declared the various State offices vacant; also that the seats of the members of the General Assembly were vacant; and they proceeded to fill the [206] executive offices to carry on a provisional government, and appointed the first Monday in November as the time for the people to elect all the State officers and a new Assembly. The convention issued an address to the people, in which they set forth the dangers with which the commonwealth was menaced by the acts of the Confederates, and exposed the treasonable acts of the governor and his associates. H. R. Gamble was appointed provisional governor; W. P. Hall, lieutenant-governor; and M. Oliver, secretary of state.
On July 31, 1861, Thomas C. Reynolds, lieutenant-governor of Missouri, issued a proclamation at New Madrid, as acting chief-magistrate in the “temporary absence,” he said, “of Governor Jackson,” in which he declared the absolute severance of Missouri from the Union. “Disregarding forms,” he said, “and looking to realities, I view any ordinance for the separation from the North and union with the Confederate States as a mere outward ceremony to give notice to others of an act already consummated in the hearts of the people; consequently, no authority of the United States will hereafter be permitted in Missouri.” This short way of transferring the allegiance of the people of a State from one power to another was followed by the announcement, in the same proclamation, that they were placed under the military rule of the Confederacy, and that by invitation of Governor Jackson, Gen. Gideon J. Pillow (q. v.), of Tennessee, had already entered Missouri with troops. The fugitive governor (Jackson) had been to Richmond to prepare the way for the admission of Missouri into the Confederacy. From New Madrid he proclaimed, Aug. 5, 1861, that Missouri was “a sovereign, free, and independent republic.” On the 20th of the same month the Confederate Congress at Richmond passed an act to “aid the State of Missouri in repelling invasion by the United States, and to authorize the admission of said State as a member of the Confederate States of America.” Measures were speedily adopted for the consummation of the alliance, and during a greater portion of the war men claiming to represent the people of Missouri occupied seats in the Confederate Congress at Richmond. The old legislature of Missouri met at Neosho, Oct. 21, and on the 28th passed an ordinance of secession. An act to provide for the defence of the State of Missouri was adopted Nov. 1, in which provision was made for the issue of what were called “defence bonds” to the amount of $10,000,000, payable in three, five, and seven years.
As before indicated, popular feeling in Missouri was opposed to secession, but the State authorities favored it. Civil
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| On the Levee, St. Louis. |
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| General Lyon's March to Booneville. |
The governor and his followers continued their flight to the extreme southwestern corner of Missouri, where he was [208] joined by General Price, when the whole Confederate force amounted to full 3,000 men. At the same time Gen. J. G. Rains, a graduate of West Point, was hurrying forward to join Jackson with a considerable force, closely pursued by Major Sturgis, with a body of Kansas volunteers. Jackson was now satisfied that the whole of northern Missouri was lost to the cause of secession, and he endeavored to concentrate all the armed disloyal citizens, with McCulloch's men, in the southwestern part of the commonwealth. Assured by the aspect of affairs, and conciliatory and assuring proclamations from both General Lyon and Colonel Boernstein, the people became quieted, and the loyal State convention was called to assemble at Jefferson City on July 22, 1861. General Lyon remained at Booneville about a fortnight, preparing for a vigorous campaign in the southwest. He then held military control over the whole region northward of the Missouri River, and on July 1 there were at least 10,000 loyal troops in Missouri, and 10,000 more might have been there within forty-eight hours from camps in neighboring States. Sigel was pushing forward towards the borders of Kansas and Arkansas to open the campaign. The capture of the Confederate troops at St. Louis (q. v.) produced consternation among their friends in Jefferson City, where the Missouri legislature was in session. A bill was immediately passed by which the governor was authorized to receive a loan of $500,000 from the banks and to issue $1,000,000 in State bonds for war purposes. He was also authorized to purchase arms, and the whole military power of the State was placed under his control. Meanwhile General Harney had issued a proclamation denouncing the bill as an indirect secession ordinance, and null; yet, anxious for peace, he was ready to pursue a conciliatory policy. He entered into a compact (May 21) with Sterling Price (q. v.), a general of the State militia, which had for its object the securing of the neutrality of Missouri in the impending conflict. Price, in the name of the governor, pledged the power of the State to the maintenance of order. Harney, in the name of his government, agreed to make no military movements as long as order was preserved. The loyal people were alarmed, for they well knew the governor would violate his pledge. The national government did not sanction the compact. General Harney was relieved of his command, and on May 29 Lyon, who had been commissioned (May 16) a brigadier-general, was put in his place and made commander of the Department of Missouri. The purse and sword of Missouri were in the hands of the governor, and he defied the national government. He determined to wield the power of the State in favor of the Confederacy. Finally General Lyon and others held a conference (June 11) with Governor Jackson. He demanded, as a vital condition of pacification, the disbanding of the Home Guards—loyal citizens—throughout the State, and that no National troops should be allowed to set foot on the soil of Missouri. Lyon refused compliance, and on the following day the governor raised the standard of revolt, as before narrated.
Strengthened by the successes of Pope (see Blackwater, battle at the), Gen. Henry W. Halleck, who had succeeded to the command of the Department of Missouri, prepared to put forth more vigorous efforts to purge the State of Confederates. On Dec. 3, 1861, he declared martial law in St. Louis, and afterwards extended it to all railroads and their vicinities. Meanwhile Price, being promised reinforcements from Arkansas, moved back to Springfield, where he concentrated about 12,000 men, and prepared to spend the winter there. Halleck sent Gen. S. R. Curtis to drive him out of the State. Curtis was assisted by Generals Davis, Sigel, Asboth, and Prentiss. They moved in three columns. Early in February, 1862, Price fled into Kansas, whither he was pursued by Curtis; and Halleck wrote to his government, late in February, that he had “purged Missouri,” and that the flag of the Union was “waving in triumph over the soil of Arkansas.” In accomplishing this work no less than sixty battles—most of them skirmishes—had been fought on Missouri soil, beginning with Booneville, at the middle of June, 1861, and ending at the middle of February, 1862. These conflicts resulted in the loss, to both [209] parties, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of about 11,000 men.
Emboldened by the failure of the Red River expedition (q. v.), the Confederates, by raiding bands, awed the Unionists in Arkansas into inactivity, and gave General Price an opportunity, early in the fall of 1864, to invade Missouri again, this time chiefly for a political purpose. Secret societies in sympathy with the Knights of the Golden circle (q. v.) had been formed in Missouri and neighboring Southern States, whose object was to give aid to the Confederate cause. Price had been promised 20,000 recruits if he should enter Missouri with a respectable military force. He and General Shelby crossed the Missouri border early in September with 20,000 followers, and pushed on to Pilot Knob, half-way to St. Louis. But the promised recruits did not appear. The vigilant Rosecrans, then in command of the Department of the Missouri, had discovered Price's plans and, by some arrests, had so frightened the remainder that they prudently remained in concealment. Price was disappointed; and he soon perceived that a web of great peril was gathering around him. General Ewing, with a brigade of National troops struck him an astounding blow at Pilot Knob. Soon afterwards these and other troops under Gen. A. J. Smith and General Mower sent Price flying westward towards Kansas, closely pursued. This chase was enlivened by several skirmishes, and late in November Price was a fugitive in western Arkansas with a broken and dispirited army. This was the last invasion of Missouri by the Confederates. In the expulsion of Price from Missouri Gen. Alfred Pleasonton (q. v.) bore a conspicuous part. The total loss of the Nationals during the invasion was 346 killed and wounded. Price left Missouri much weaker than when he entered it.
On Jan. 6, 1865, another convention assembled at St. Louis and framed a new constitution, which was ratified by a popular vote in June following. During the war Missouri furnished to the National army 108,773 troops. In 1869 the legislature of Missouri ratified the Fifteenth Amendment to the national Constitution. Population in 1890, 2,679,184; in 1900, 3,106,665. See United States, Missouri, in vol. IX.
Territorial Governor.
| William Clark | assumes duties | July, 1813 |
State governors.
| Alexander McNair | term begins | Sept. 19, 1820 |
| Frederick Bates | term begins | Nov., 1824 |
| Abraham J. Williams | acting | Aug. 1, 1825 |
| Gen. John Miller | term begins | Nov., 1825 |
| Daniel Dunklin | term begins | Nov., 1832 |
| Lilburn W. Boggs | term begins | Nov., 1836 |
| Thomas Reynolds (Dem.) | term begins | Nov., 1840 |
| M. M. Marmaduke | acting | Feb. 9, 1844 |
| John C. Edwards (Dem.) | term begins | Nov., 1844 |
| Austin A. King (Dem.) | term begins | Nov., 1848 |
| Sterling Price (Dem.) | term begins | Dec., 1852 |
| Trusten Polk (Dem.) | term begins | Dec., 1856 |
| Hancock Jackson | acting | March, 1857 |
| Robert M. Stewart (Dem.) | term begins | Dec., 1857 |
| Claiborne F. Jackson (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 4, 1861 |
| H. R. Gamble (provisional) | elected | July 31, 1861 |
| Willard P. Hall | acting | Jan. 31, 1864 |
| Thomas C. Fletcher (Rep.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1865 |
| Joseph W. McClurg (Rep.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1869 |
| R. Gratz Brown (Lib.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1871 |
| Silas Woodson (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1873 |
| Charles H. Hardin (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1875 |
| John S. Phelps (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1877 |
| Thos. T. Crittenden (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1881 |
| John S. Marmaduke (Dem.) | term begins | Jan. 31, 1885 |
| Albert G. Morehouse | acting | Dec. 28, 1887 |
| David R. Francis (Dem.) | term begins | Jan., 1889 |
| William J. Stone (Dem.) | term begins | Jan., 1893 |
| Lou V. Stephens | term begins | Jan., 1897 |
| A. M. Dockery | term begins | Jan., 1901 |
United States Senators.
| Name. | No. of Congress. | Term. |
| David Barton | 17th to 21st | 1821 to 1831 |
| Thomas H. Benton | 17th to 31st | 1821 to 1851 |
| Alexander Buckner | 22d | 1831 to 1833 |
| Lewis F. Linn | 23d to 27th | 1833 to 1843 |
| David R. Atchison | 28th to 33d | 1843 to 1856 |
| Henry S. Geyer | 32d to 34th | 1851 to 1857 |
| James Stephen Green | 34th to 36th | 1857 to 1861 |
| Trusten Polk | 35th to 37th | 1857 to 1862 |
| Waldo P. Johnson | 37th | 1861 to 1862 |
| John B. Henderson | 37th to 40th | 1862 to 1869 |
| Robert Wilson | 37th | 1862 |
| B. Gratz Brown | 38th to 39th | 1863 to 1867 |
| Charles D. Drake | 40th to 41st | 1867 to 1870 |
| Francis P. Blair, Jr | 41st to 42d | 1871 to 1873 |
| Carl Schurz | 41st to 42d | 1869 to 1875 |
| Lewis F. Bogy | 43d to 45th | 1873 to 1877 |
| Francis M. Cockrell | 44th to— | 1875 to — |
| David H. Armstrong | 45th | 1877 to 1879 |
| George G. Vest | 46th to— | 1879 to — |
