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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 7
he same time it was seen that the people of America, if they would act in concert, could advance the English flag through Canada and to the Mississippi; and, as a measure of security against French encroachments, Halifax, by the king's command, Sigulars with three hundred thousand pounds, to New England, to train its inhabitants in war, and, through them, to conquer Canada. After assuming the hero, and breathing nothing but war, the administration confessed its indecision; and in October, whs Doc., x., 44. to shun effusion of blood, and to employ Indian war-parties only when indispensable to tranquillity. Yet Canada, of which the population was but little above eighty thousand, sought security by Indian alliances. Chiefs of the Six Na N. Y. Paris Documents, XI. 2. consenting that New England should reach on the east to the Penobscot, and be divided from Canada on the north by the crest of the intervening highlands. Secret Instructions to Vandreuil, 1 April, 1754, Ibid. x. 8.
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
n America, vainly solicited H. Sharpe's Letters in 1755 to his brothers William Sharpe and John Sharpe, and to Lord Baltimore. aid from every province. New Hampshire, although weak and young, took every opportunity to force acts contrary to the king's instructions and prerogative. The character of the Rhode Island government gave no great prospect of assistance. New York hesitated in providing quarters for British soldiers, and would contribute to a general fund only when others did. New Jersey showed the greatest contempt for the repeated solicitations of its aged governor. In Pennsylvania, in Maryland, in South Carolina, the grants of money by the assemblies were negatived, because they were connected with the encroachments of popular power on the prerogative, schemes of future independency, the grasping at the disposition of all public money and filling all offices; and in each instance the veto excited a great flame. The Assembly of Pennsylvania in March borrowed money and
Roanoke (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
by imposts, or by a stamp-duty, which last method he at that time favored. Lieut. Gov. H. Sharpe to the Secretary, C. Calvert, 15 September, 1754. These measures were under consideration while the news was fresh of Washington's expulsion from the Ohio valley. Listening to the instance of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, the king instructed the Earl of Albemarle, then governor-in-chief of that Dominion, to grant lands west of the great ridge of mountains which separates the rivers Roanoke, James, and Potomac from the Mississippi, to such persons as should be desirous of settling them, in small quantities of not more than a thousand acres for any one person. chap. VII.} 1754 From the settlement of this tract it was represented that great additional security would be derived against the encroachments of the French. Representation of the Board of Trade to the king, 10 June, 1768. Thus Virginia seemed to have in charge the colonization of the west; and became the mother of
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
from the deeply-seated love of popular liberty and power which was at once his conviction and a sentiment of his heart, Shirley turned towards the Secretary of State, and renewed his representations of the necessity of a union of the colonies, to be formed in England and enforced by act of parliament. At the same time he warned against the plea of Franklin in behalf of the Albany plan, which he described as the application of the old charter system, such as prevailed in Rhode Island and Connecticut, to the formation of an American confederacy. It has been thought probable, that Shirley was not particularly hostile to the Albany plan of union. His correspondence proves his bitter enmity to the scheme. See Shirley to Sir Thomas Robinson, 24 December, 1754; 24 January, 1755, and 4 Feb. 1755, but particularly the letter of Dec. 1754. The system, said he, is unfit for ruling a particular colony; it seems much more improper for establishing a general government over all the colonies
West Indies (search for this): chapter 7
5. The letters from America found the English Administration resolved to raise funds for American affairs by a stamp-duty, and a duty on products of the Foreign West Indies, imported into the continental colonies. Charles to Committee of New York, 15 Aug., 1755. The English press advocated an impost in the northern colonies on WWest India products, and likewise that, by act of parliament, there be a further fund established from stamped paper. A miscellaneous Essay, concerning the courses pursued by Great Britain in the Affairs of her Colonies, &c., &c. London, 1755, at pages 89 and 92. This tax, it was conceived, would yield a very large sum. Huske, a manner insensible. Delancey to the New York Assembly, 6 Aug., 1755. That province objected to a stamp-tax as oppressive, though not to a moderate impost on West India products; and the voice of Massachusetts was unheeded, when, in November, it began to be thoroughly alarmed, and instructed its agent to oppose every thing that
Dinwiddie Court House (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ner that may be deemed most ready and convenient. A common fund, so Shirley assured his American colleagues, on the authority of the British secretary of state, must be either voluntarily raised, or assessed in some other way. I have had in my hands vast masses of correspondence, including letters from servants of the crown in every royal colony in America; from civilians, as well as from Braddock, and Dunbar, and Gage; from the popular Delancey and the moderate Sharpe, as well as from Dinwiddie and Shirley; and all were of the same tenor. The British ministry heard one general clamor from men in office for taxation by act of parliament. Even men of liberal tendencies looked to acts of English authority for aid. I hope that Lord Halifax's plan may be good and take place, said chap. VII.} 1755. Alexander, of New York. Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, elected by the people, complained of the men who seemed to love and understand liberty better than public good and the affairs
France (France) (search for this): chapter 7
The feebleness of the ministry, in which there was not one single statesman of talent enough to avoid a conflict with France, encouraged the ambition of that power. At the same time it was seen that the people of America, if they would act in co to Brief State of Pennsylvania. The contest along the American frontier was raging fiercely, when, in January, 1755, France proposed to England to leave the Ohio valley in the condition in which it was at the epoch before the last war, and at th would have secured to his sovereign all the country north and west of the Ohio. England, on the contrary, demanded that France should destroy all her forts as far as the Wabash, raze Niagara and Crown Point, surrender the peninsula of Nova Scotia, a neutral desert. Proposals so unreasonable could meet with no acceptance; yet both parties professed a desire—in which France appears to have been sincere—to investigate and arrange all disputed points. The credulous diplomatist put trust in the
Rockingham, N. C. (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
inst the wounded hereditary affections and the monarchical propensities of the rural districts of the nation; till at last their fundamental measures had ceased to clash with the sentiment of the people, and the whole aristocracy had accepted their doctrines. Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, called himself a Whig, was one of the brightest ornaments of the party, and after Hardwicke, their oracle on questions of law. Cumberland, Newcastle, Devonshire, Bedford, Halifax, and the Marquis of Rockingham, were all reputed Whigs. So were George and Charles Townshend, the young Lord North, Grenville, Conwayand Sackville. On the vital elements chap. VII.} 1754. of civil liberty, the noble families which led the several factions had no systematic opinions. They knew not that America, which demanded their attention, would amalgamate the cause of royalty and oligarchy, and create parties in England on questions which the Revolution of 1688 had not even considered. It was because the Whig
Newcastle (Canada) (search for this): chapter 7
dvice of Hanbury, the quaker agent in England for the Ohio Company, they appointed Sharpe, of Maryland, their general. Newcastle would have taken Pitt's opinion. Your Grace knows, he replied, I have no capacity for these things. Dodington's Diasending pacific messages to the French administration, particularly to Madame de Pompadour and the Duke de Mirepoix, Newcastle to Walpole, 20 Oct., 1754. Walpole's Memoires, i. 347. Compare Flassan: Hist. de la Diplomatie Francaise. the directlomatist put trust in the assurances Stanley to Pitt, in Thackeray's Chatham, II. 581. of friendly intentions, which Newcastle lavished upon him, and Louis the Fifteenth, while he sent three thousand men to America, held himself ready to sacrificides, was Sir Thomas Robinson's answer to the American agents, chap. VII.} 1755. as they were bandied to himself from Newcastle and from both to Halifax. Halifax alone had decision and a plan. In July, 1755, he insisted with the ministry on a ge
New Castle, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
Great Commoner himself Mr. Pitt to the duke of Newcastle, in Chatham Correspondence, i. 85, 86. was forced olicit the nomination and patronage of the duke of Newcastle. On the death of Henry Pelham, in March, 1754, NeNewcastle, to the astonishment of all men, declaring he had been second minister long enough, placed himself at tion of the secret service money. My brother, said Newcastle, never disclosed the disposal of that money, neithrew near, was to be secured. My brother, answered Newcastle, had settled it all. Fox declining the promotioer to be the dependents and followers of a Duke of Newcastle than to be the friends and counsellors of their socke, their oracle on questions of law. Cumberland, Newcastle, Devonshire, Bedford, Halifax, and the Marquis of precedents for future measures of oppression. The Newcastle ministry proceeded without regard to method, consiess to the king, had justified their conduct. The Newcastle administration trimmed between the contending part
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