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Dublin (Irish Republic) (search for this): chapter 15
oems were included by them. The criticism of the abolitionists on him was undoubtedly strengthened by the apostrophe to the Union at the close of his poem, The Building of the Ship, in 1850, a passage which was described by William Lloyd Garrison in the Liberator as a eulogy dripping with the blood of imbruted humanity, Garrison's Memoirs, III. 280. and was quite as severely viewed by one of the most zealous of the Irish abolitionists, who thus wrote to their friends in Boston:— Dublin [Ireland], April 28, 1850. [After speaking about Miss Weston's displeasure with Whittier and her being unfair to him, etc., the letter adds—] Is it not a poor thing for Longfellow that he is no abolitionist— that his anti-slavery poetry is perfect dish water beside Whittier's—and that he has just penned a Paean on the Union? I can no more comprehend what there is in the Union to make the Yankee nation adore it —than you can understand the attractions of Royalty & Aristocracy which thousan
Elmwood, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
ndation for the intimacy between Longfellow and Lowell. Lowell had been invited, on the publication of A Year's Life, to write for an annual which was to appear in Boston and to be edited, in Lowell's own phrase, by Longfellow, Felton, Hillard and that set. Scudder's Lowell , i. 93. Lowell subsequently wrote in the Pioneer kindly notices of Longfellow's Poems on Slavery, but there is no immediate evidence of any personal relations between them at that time. In a letter to Poe, dated at Elmwood June 27, 1844, Lowell says of a recent article in the Foreign Quaterly Review attributed to John Forster, Forster is a friend of some of the Longfellow clique here, which perhaps accounts for his putting L. at the top of our Parnassus. These kinds of arrangements do very well, however, for the present. Correspondence of R. W. Griswold, p. 151. . . . It will be noticed that what Lowell had originally called a set has now become a clique. It is also evident that he did not regard Longfell
Marienberg (Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany) (search for this): chapter 15
etimes ill, and always restless. My late expedition to Germany did me a vast deal of good; and my health is better than it has been for years. So long as I keep out of doors and take exercise enough, I feel perfectly well. So soon as I shut myself up and begin to study, I feel perfectly ill. Thus the Sphinx's riddle—the secret of health—is discovered. In Germany I led an out-of-door life; bathing and walking from morning till night. I was at Boppard on the Rhine, in the old convent of Marienberg, now a Bathing establishment. I travelled a little in Germany; then passed through Belgium to England. In London I staid with Dickens; and had a very pleasant visit. His wife is a gentle, lovely character; and he has four children, all beautiful and good. I saw likewise the raven, who is stuffed in the entry—and his successor, who stalks gravely in the garden. I am very sorry, my dear Margaret, that I cannot grant your request in regard to Mary's Journal. Just before I sailed for E<
Braunschweig (Lower Saxony, Germany) (search for this): chapter 15
eady strongly drawn; the anti-slavery party being itself divided into subdivisions which criticised each other sharply. Longfellow's temperament was thoroughly gentle and shunned extremes, so that the little thin yellow-covered volume came upon the community with something like a shock. As a matter of fact, various influences had led him up to it. His father had been a subscriber to Benjamin Lundy's Genius of Universal Emancipation, the precursor of Garrison's Liberator. In his youth at Brunswick, Longfellow had thought of writing a drama on the subject of Toussaint l'ouverture, his reason for it being thus given, that thus I may do something in my humble way for the great cause of negro emancipation. Margaret Fuller, who could by no means be called an abolitionist, described the volume as the thinnest of all Mr. Longfellow's thin books; spirited and polished like its forerunners; but the subject would warrant a deeper tone. On the other hand, the editors of Graham's Magazine
Springfield (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 15
perhaps, than by the Hungarian, Madame Pulszky, who visited America with Kossuth, and who wrote of her as a lady of Junonian beauty and of the kindest heart. White, Red, and Black, II. 237. Promptly and almost insensibly she identified herself with all her husband's work, a thing rendered peculiarly valuable from the fact that his eyes had become overstrained, so that he welcomed an amanuensis. Sometimes she suggested subjects for poems, this being at least the case with The Arsenal at Springfield, first proposed by her within the very walls of the building, a spot whose moral was doubtless enhanced by the companionship of Charles Sumner, just then the especial prophet of international peace. She also aided him effectually in his next book, The Poets and Poetry of Europe, in which his friend Felton also cooperated, he preparing the biographical notices while Longfellow made the selections and also some of the translations. I add this letter from his betrothed, which strikes th
Switzerland (Switzerland) (search for this): chapter 15
with such devotion, sincerity, and utter forgetfulness of self. Make her your model, and you will make your husband ever happy; and be to him as a household lamp irradiating his darkest hours. Give my best regards to him. I should like very much to visit you; but know not how I can bring it about. Kiss young Astyanax for me, and believe me ever affectionately your brother Henry W. Longfellow. Meanwhile a vast change in his life was approaching. He had met, seven years before in Switzerland, a maiden of nineteen, Frances Elizabeth Appleton, daughter of Nathan Appleton, a Boston merchant; and though his early sketch of her in Hyperion may have implied little on either side, it was fulfilled at any rate, after these years of acquaintance, by her consenting to become his wife, an event which took place on the 13th of July, 1843, and was thus announced by him in a letter to Miss Eliza A. Potter of Portland, his first wife's elder sister. Cambridge, May 25, 1843. my dear E
Belgium (Belgium) (search for this): chapter 15
d my health is better than it has been for years. So long as I keep out of doors and take exercise enough, I feel perfectly well. So soon as I shut myself up and begin to study, I feel perfectly ill. Thus the Sphinx's riddle—the secret of health—is discovered. In Germany I led an out-of-door life; bathing and walking from morning till night. I was at Boppard on the Rhine, in the old convent of Marienberg, now a Bathing establishment. I travelled a little in Germany; then passed through Belgium to England. In London I staid with Dickens; and had a very pleasant visit. His wife is a gentle, lovely character; and he has four children, all beautiful and good. I saw likewise the raven, who is stuffed in the entry—and his successor, who stalks gravely in the garden. I am very sorry, my dear Margaret, that I cannot grant your request in regard to Mary's Journal. Just before I sailed for Europe, being in low spirits, and reflecting on the uncertainties of such an expedition as I w<
Boppard (Rheinland-Pfalz, Germany) (search for this): chapter 15
battle and a march. I am sometimes well,—sometimes ill, and always restless. My late expedition to Germany did me a vast deal of good; and my health is better than it has been for years. So long as I keep out of doors and take exercise enough, I feel perfectly well. So soon as I shut myself up and begin to study, I feel perfectly ill. Thus the Sphinx's riddle—the secret of health—is discovered. In Germany I led an out-of-door life; bathing and walking from morning till night. I was at Boppard on the Rhine, in the old convent of Marienberg, now a Bathing establishment. I travelled a little in Germany; then passed through Belgium to England. In London I staid with Dickens; and had a very pleasant visit. His wife is a gentle, lovely character; and he has four children, all beautiful and good. I saw likewise the raven, who is stuffed in the entry—and his successor, who stalks gravely in the garden. I am very sorry, my dear Margaret, that I cannot grant your request in regard
Rich D. Webb (search for this): chapter 15
tc., the letter adds—] Is it not a poor thing for Longfellow that he is no abolitionist— that his anti-slavery poetry is perfect dish water beside Whittier's—and that he has just penned a Paean on the Union? I can no more comprehend what there is in the Union to make the Yankee nation adore it —than you can understand the attractions of Royalty & Aristocracy which thousands of very good people in England look on as the source & mainstay of all that is great and good in the nation. . . . rich D. Webb. Weston Mss., Boston Public Library. Yet Mr. Whittier himself, though thus contrasted with Longfellow, had written thanking him for his Poems on Slavery, which in tract form, he said, had been of important service to the Liberty movement. Whittier had also asked whether Longfellow would accept a nomination to Congress from the Liberty Party, and had added, Our friends think they could throw for thee one thousand more votes than for any other man. Life, II. 20. Nor was Whittier h
Samuel Ward (search for this): chapter 15
tion. Margaret Fuller, who could by no means be called an abolitionist, described the volume as the thinnest of all Mr. Longfellow's thin books; spirited and polished like its forerunners; but the subject would warrant a deeper tone. On the other hand, the editors of Graham's Magazine wrote to Mr. Longfellow that the word slavery was never allowed to appear in a Philadelphia periodical, and that the publisher objected to have even the name of the book appear in his pages. His friend Samuel Ward, always an agreeable man of the world, wrote from New York of the poems, They excite a good deal of attention and sell rapidly. I have sent one copy to the South and others shall follow, and includes Longfellow among you abolitionists. The effect of the poems was unquestionably to throw him on the right side of the great moral contest then rising to its climax, while he incurred, like his great compeers, Channing, Emerson, and Sumner, some criticism from the pioneers. Such differences
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