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Concord, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
otism and throw them into the scale of freedom. It is an indication of progress and a positive moral growth; it is one way to get up to the sublime platform of non-resistance; and it is God's method of dealing retribution upon the head of the tyrant. Rather than see men wearing their chains in a cowardly and servile spirit, I would, as an advocate of peace, much rather see them breaking the head of the tyrant with their chains. Give me, as a non-resistant, Bunker Hill and Lexington and Concord, rather than the cowardice and servility of a Southern slave plantation. Garrison applied these rules to the Civil War, and gave his entire sympathy to the cause of the North, while disapproving altogether of the resort to arms. Although for some time after the election and inauguration of Lincoln the Abolitionists had reason to doubt his intentions with reference to slavery, and especially after he had summarily revoked the orders of General Fremont and General Hunter liberating the sla
Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
good — will subsisting between persons. Erasmus. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin-whom first to despatch as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
esignation of office is surely the only course for an official who finds himself called upon to do something which offends his conscience. Garrison earnestly urged the renomination of Lincoln against the bitter opposition of Wendell Phillips, who always strangely misunderstood the President. Now at last the virtues of the Abolitionists began to be generally recognized. In 1864 George Thompson, who nearly thirty years before had barely escaped violence from proslavery mobs, returned to America. He was given a public reception in Boston, with Governor Andrews in the chair, and at Washington a short time afterwards, he was invited by the House of Representatives to deliver a lecture in their hall. Garrison, too, was treated with great respect when he visited the national capital, and in the last month of the war, at the invitation of Secretary Stanton, he was present at the raising of the flag on Fort Sumter on the fourth anniversary of its capture. Dr. Cuyler, of Brooklyn, reco
Harper's Ferry (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
out excuse for his tyranny. He is a sinner before God-a great sinner; yet, while I will not cease reprobating his horrible injustice, I will let him see that in my heart there is no desire to do him harm,--that I wish to bless him here, and bless him everlastingly,--and that I have no other weapon to wield against him but the simple truth of God, which is the great instrument for the overthrow of all iniquity and the salvation of the world. In speaking of John Brown after his raid at Harper's Ferry, he says: Judging him by the code of Bunker Hill, we think he is as deserving of high-wrought eulogy as any who ever wielded sword or battle-axe in the cause of liberty; but we do not and we cannot approve any indulgence of the war spirit. John Brown has perhaps a right to a place by the side of Moses, Joshua, Gideon and David, but he is not on the same plane with Jesus, Paul, Peter and John. But these principles of Garrison did not prevent him, whenever war was actually ragi
Garrison (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
rs. The Negroes received him in a large church building, several thousand of them being crowded into it. One of them addressed him in an eloquent oration on behalf of his race and two little slave girls presented him with flowers. This occurred on the very morrow of Lincoln's death, the news of which had not yet arrived. One of the party present at Fort Sumter and Charleston has informed the present writer that it was most impressive to see the reverence with which the Negroes looked at Garrison, many of them touching his coat as if they expected virtue to come out of it. When the adoption of the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution, declaring the abolition of slavery, was assured, Garrison made up his mind to bring the Liberator to a close and to retire from the various anti-slavery societies. Their work was indeed ended, the mass of the population had caught up to them, and it was absurd now to pretend to any exclusive virtue. Many of the Abolitionists were incensed at h
Stringfellow (search for this): chapter 7
. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin-whom first to despatch as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the president and his cabinet
John Brown (search for this): chapter 7
God, which is the great instrument for the overthrow of all iniquity and the salvation of the world. In speaking of John Brown after his raid at Harper's Ferry, he says: Judging him by the code of Bunker Hill, we think he is as deserving ofded sword or battle-axe in the cause of liberty; but we do not and we cannot approve any indulgence of the war spirit. John Brown has perhaps a right to a place by the side of Moses, Joshua, Gideon and David, but he is not on the same plane with Je or a free moral agent. Occupying this false position, he felt bound in his inaugural address indirectly to stigmatize John Brown's undertaking as the greatest of crimes. He also insisted, in the same address, upon the rendition of fugitive slaves, of Brooklyn, records that while he was standing with Garrison in the streets of Charleston, a band passed them playing John Brown's body. Only listen to that in Charleston streets! exclaimed Garrison, and they both broke into tears. The Negroes r
Henry Ward Beecher (search for this): chapter 7
sons. Erasmus. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow AtchisMr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin-whom first to despatch as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the president a
Moses (search for this): chapter 7
t him but the simple truth of God, which is the great instrument for the overthrow of all iniquity and the salvation of the world. In speaking of John Brown after his raid at Harper's Ferry, he says: Judging him by the code of Bunker Hill, we think he is as deserving of high-wrought eulogy as any who ever wielded sword or battle-axe in the cause of liberty; but we do not and we cannot approve any indulgence of the war spirit. John Brown has perhaps a right to a place by the side of Moses, Joshua, Gideon and David, but he is not on the same plane with Jesus, Paul, Peter and John. But these principles of Garrison did not prevent him, whenever war was actually raging, from wishing success to those who fought on the side of liberty. As an ultra-peace man, I am prepared to say: Success to every slave insurrection in the South and in every slave country. I thank God when men who believe in the right and duty of wielding carnal weapons are so far advanced that they will
Atchison (search for this): chapter 7
ersons. Erasmus. Garrison's doctrine of non-resistance was put to the test throughout this period and to the end of the Civil War itself, but he never wavered. In 1856, during the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, Theodore Parker and Henry Ward Beecher had not hesitated to hold meetings in their churches with the object of raising money to buy rifles for the anti-slavery volunteers. Mr. Beecher said: You might just as well read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow. Garrison expressed his emphatic dissent from this assertion. To class human beings as wild beasts was, he said, merely to adopt the theory which the slaveholders applied to their slaves. The border ruffians of Kansas were less blameworthy than their respectable backers. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin-whom first to despatch as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the president
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