hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Jefferson Davis 100 6 Browse Search
United States (United States) 88 0 Browse Search
Rufus Choate 82 4 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 78 0 Browse Search
James Buchanan 66 2 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 62 0 Browse Search
Washington (United States) 52 0 Browse Search
John Y. Mason 48 0 Browse Search
Edward Pollard 48 4 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 44 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). Search the whole document.

Found 14 total hits in 6 results.

United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 1
men we may not be permitted to judge, but surely there is no law which forbids us to make a conscientious estimate of their heads; and he who, upon the strength of two or three little texts-upon the fact of the existence of Slavery among the Jews and in the Roman Empire-upon that small portion of history which records the curse upon Canaan, could assert, and in pulpit, newspaper, review, and volume, persist in the assertion that the Slavery of Four Millions of Men, in the Republic of the United States, in the year of Christianity One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty,--that such Slavery, utterly modern in its theory and practice, was a thing to be not merely justified, but applauded and defended in the pulpit-he, I say, who could make this large demand upon the faith of his neighbors, must have had one of those narrow and monkish natures which may be capable of a certain degree of usefulness in drilling battalions of neophytes, but which are equally incapable of lofty views or elevated
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 1
d together, that against all natural rules, a peculiar and disagreeable smell would be noticed in the atmosphere, and that it would even be perceptible in Heaven. I do not know that the Pro-Slavery Politician was a whit less absurd; but he had the advantage of confining his argumentation to matters of earth and sense, and of uttering low things from a lower standpoint. He did not pass the flaming bounds of time and space ; but restricting himself to the somewhat different atmosphere of Washington, he was content to limit human progress by existing enactments, and to plead precedent against the piteous appeals of those who sued for redress in forma pauperis. He had more than the respect of the proverb for what-ever is. He not only believed it to be right, but he proclaimed it, at the top of his voice, to be immutable. Whatever the Slaveholder asked for, he was ready to accord; and naturally the Slaveholder soon learned that he could not ask for too much. The position of the Pro
Canaan, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
t many unquestionably were left to believe that the Institution was Divine in its origin, and that it was still authorized by the Divine sanction. The hearts of men we may not be permitted to judge, but surely there is no law which forbids us to make a conscientious estimate of their heads; and he who, upon the strength of two or three little texts-upon the fact of the existence of Slavery among the Jews and in the Roman Empire-upon that small portion of history which records the curse upon Canaan, could assert, and in pulpit, newspaper, review, and volume, persist in the assertion that the Slavery of Four Millions of Men, in the Republic of the United States, in the year of Christianity One Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty,--that such Slavery, utterly modern in its theory and practice, was a thing to be not merely justified, but applauded and defended in the pulpit-he, I say, who could make this large demand upon the faith of his neighbors, must have had one of those narrow and monki
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 1
lue if it did not, in some respects, illustrate one of the most extraordinary changes in the opinions of a great people which history records. The election of Mr. Buchanan seemed definitely to indicate not merely the perpetuity of Human Slavery in this Republic, but the acquiescence of the people of the Free States, or of a majoreholder having any measure at heart, needed only to cry out that, if denied, he intended to secede, to carry his point with marvelous and triumphant celerity. Mr. Buchanan was a Northern man, but although he is dead, the sad and mortifying truth must be spoken: he had so disciplined himself in this school of what may be called unning. He was no better and no worse perhaps than his friends; but he had the misfortune to be their representative. To the last moment of his administration, Mr. Buchanan was faithful to the traditions of his party; and while the bugle call of sedition was sounding through half the Republic — while its flag was defended by a han
Paley (search for this): chapter 1
toral pleasures of the plantation, and the patriarchal felicities of the Blacks. There was the lawyer pleading that, in certain cases, the Habeas Corpus is good for nothing. And under all there were crowds of prejudiced and unreasoning men of every social grade, from the highest to the lowest, who denounced every objector to this condition of affairs as a destructive and a radical, and who thought a flourishing trade with the South worth all the morality ever propounded, from Plutarch to Dr. Paley. It would, doubtless, have been easier — I know it would often have been thought in better taste — to have taken a low and despairing view of public affairs, and sadly to have predicted the second coming of chaos. But, partly perhaps from a constitutional habit, I was led to consider serious subjects cheerfully; although I hardly ever made a jest upon the subject of Slavery without a feeling of self-rebuke. But it must be remembered that the gentlemen upon the other side were already
Nestor (search for this): chapter 1
t in better taste — to have taken a low and despairing view of public affairs, and sadly to have predicted the second coming of chaos. But, partly perhaps from a constitutional habit, I was led to consider serious subjects cheerfully; although I hardly ever made a jest upon the subject of Slavery without a feeling of self-rebuke. But it must be remembered that the gentlemen upon the other side were already in the field as mourners, and had pretty much monopolized the business of groaning. Nestor was with them, and so was Heraclitus; and if the country was to be saved by crying, they were clearly designed to be the saviours. They were angry often enough at finding serious subjects lightly treated, and they did not relish a style which sometimes made havoc of their dignity; but, upon the other hand, it may be said that there were those who did not at all relish their mournful methods, and who could not see that they were taking any very promising way to avert the calamities which the